Rudnev was very confident. He believed that he could become the great savior of the Social Revolutionary Party. Since the outbreak of the Petrograd Revolution, society has generally believed that the Social Revolutionary Party has been completed and that they are not enough to continue to control the Russian regime. The Social Revolutionary Party will collapse like an avalanche, and no one can restore this decline.

Kerensky was arrested on August 25, the Winter Palace fell on August 26, and then Moscow also began to respond to the revolution in Petrograd, just like the domino that was pushed to, the Social Revolutionary Party seemed to be really finished.

Rudnev believed that he had to be the Optimus Prime to stop the domino from falling, and as long as he curbed the momentum of the Bolsheviks in Moscow, a major reversal would soon occur. As long as the Social Revolutionary Party could stand firm, the failure of the Bolsheviks was obvious under the joint counterattack of all parties across the country.

Now, the recovery of the Kremlin is a good start. With the armory, he can arm an army that truly obeys the Social Revolutionary Party. Instead of like before, Kerensky was just a short cabinet prime minister, and most of the troops did not buy his account, so that at the critical moment, no soldier stood up to support him, which made him unable to be arrested in disgrace.

With the army, Rudnev had the confidence. Now he only needed to force the Bolsheviks in Moscow to surrender, and then the overall situation was in control.

I have to say that Rudnev was too happy too early. Not to mention the real situation of the Kremlin, even the Mensheviks and the Cadets would not let his dreams go smoothly.

"Mayor Rudnev, what crazy words are you talking about?"

When Rudnev made his bold statements, he was immediately hit by the representatives of the Cadet Democratic Party. Although the Cadet Democratic Party is basically a comrade in the same trenches as the Social Revolutionary Party, they can basically reach an agreement in the fight against the Bolshevik forces, but the two sides have been fighting hard on who will control the Russian regime.

The Russian bureaucratic aristocratic bourgeoisie represented by the Cadet Party is not completely consistent with the interests of the middle class and petty bourgeoisie represented by the Social Revolutionary Party. Supporters of the Cadet Party controlled the main economic lifeline of the old Russia and occupied a monopoly position. The force made the supporters of the Social Revolutionary Party very uncomfortable.

The petty and medium-sized bourgeoisie has never been able to rise in Russia, not only economically but also politically. During the Tsarist period, the days of the Social Revolutionary Party were much better than those of the Bolsheviks and were hit hard. However, when the revolutionary tide came, the Social Revolutionary Party could gain more support than the Cadets. As the Cadets continued to lose points, the Social Revolutionary Party repeatedly embarrassed the Cadets from July to October, which indirectly led to the collapse of the Lewoff Cabinet.

The two sides had long been formed, and the differences and contradictions between the two parties were even more irreconcilable on the land issue. How could the aristocratic landlord bourgeoisie allow the Social Revolutionary Party to divide their land?

Of course, if the Social Revolutionary Party can always hold power stably, the Cadet Party will have no way to do it. The problem is that as the Bolsheviks rise in the past few months, the social revolutionary Party's rule has been severely challenged. The October Revolution has even given the Cadet Party an opportunity!

If we can perform better than the softies of the Social Revolutionary Party in this crisis, then we naturally have a reason to take over the regime again. Russia's future has no reason to hand it over to a coward government that cannot control the situation!

That is why the Cadets have always advocated restraint in Moscow and even agreed to use negotiations to gain time. In order to wait for their good friend General Karekin to enjoy the fruits of victory in quelling the rebellion and restoring Moscow.

Now Rudnev said that he had controlled the situation and would use his own strength to force the Bolsheviks to surrender and steal the results they had already planned. This uncle can't bear it, but his aunt can't bear it!

"We firmly oppose the use of negotiations to resolve problems. From the lessons of history, we can know that negotiations with the Bolsheviks are not beneficial at all. In July, we let the tiger go back to the mountains, so that the Bolshevik rebellion will be so big that it is uncontrollable. If we let them go, then next time, they will not give us a chance to negotiate!"

The representative of the Cadet Democratic Party shouted excitedly: "So, we can only continue to fight until the moment when all the rebels are eliminated come!"

Not only the Cadets were dissatisfied with this plan. The Mensheviks were also dissatisfied with Rudnev's plan. Judging from the background of their supporters, the Menshevik supporters were very similar to those of the Social Revolutionary Party. The petty bourgeoisie and some wealthy industrial workers were fans of the Mensheviks, and their interests should be closer and they should be able to come together.

But the reality is that the Mensheviks are very ambitious and are not satisfied with being the eldest brother, the young brother and good friends of the Social Revolutionary Party. They want to make louder and more noises and have a higher status, and all this cannot completely satisfy them.

Based on the idea of ​​making enough food and clothing for oneself, the Mensheviks decided to prove their worth, and if they could play a greater role in quelling this small rebellion, they could prove that they were not optional vassals.

So, Rudnev was preparing to use high-pressure means at the negotiating table to force the Bolsheviks to surrender. It seems good. But the problem is that it has nothing to do with our Mensheviks. All the credits are monopolized by your Social Revolutionary Party. We can't even make a supporting role, and can only play a supporting role without lines. Since that's the case, why should we cooperate with you?

The Menshevik representative said in a calm tone that almost contemptuously, "We also think that waiting for reinforcements to arrive is a safe choice. Even if the Kremlin is recovered, it is just an insignificant victory. After all, the one who was carelessly thrown away there was Colonel Liang Bozef's troops. He just regained the position that originally belonged to us. It is not worth surprise or praise."

Speaking of this, he paused a little and continued to sarcastically: "Compared with this small victory, Moscow still has many lost lands that we need to recover. With this alone, we shout about victory and everything in control! This is quite arrogant and forgetful!"

Compared to the direct statement of the Cadet Democratic Party, the words of the Mensheviks are even more disgusting. He underestimated that he denied the importance of recapturing the Kremlin, and even mercilessly mocked Rudnev and the Social Revolutionary Party, making them responsible for the current situation.

The implication is that even if the rebellion is quelled and the entire Moscow is restored, that is what you, Rudnev and the Social Revolutionary Party should do. Whoever makes you unable to control the situation and make the Bolsheviks rebel, you must be responsible for this!

According to this statement, Rudnev was tragic because their Social Revolutionary Party had original sins - to put down rebellion is the responsibility and duty. If you cannot put down rebellion, you are incompetent. If you only have to make mistakes, you can even say that whether you do or not is wrong. What else is this?

Anyway, Rudnev could not accept this insult, especially when he had "recovered" the Kremlin and he was already confident, he would definitely not let the Mensheviks slap in the face. He felt that since you are all here to find fault and all of them are here to undermine the situation. Then whether you are all the same, or even, the result may be better without you.

So he decided to abandon the Mensheviks and the Cadets and went alone: ​​"Since, gentlemen, you have this attitude, then we have nothing to talk about! As the mayor of Moscow, I do not welcome those who like to engage in conspiracy and tricks and like to make trouble behind the scenes to stay here to prevent us from quelling the rebellion. If you do not change your mind, I can only say that you can leave immediately!"

The representatives of the Cadets and Mensheviks did not expect Rudnev to sabotage the situation directly. He said that he was not going to continue to cooperate. To be fair, what they wanted was not the result. Now that they had only harm but no benefits.

The Menshevik representative immediately asked: "Is this your personal meaning or the Social Revolutionary Party's meaning!"

"This is what Moscow citizens mean! As the mayor of Moscow, I only represent their will!"

Of course, Rudnev would not be so stupid that he would fight against thunder, nor so stupid that he would speak on behalf of the Social Revolutionary Party. After all, many people in the party still tend to unite, and the only one he could take out as a shield was the title of mayor.

The Menshevik representatives and the Cadet Democratic representatives saw that Rudnev was not fooled and were too lazy to talk nonsense. Now it is clear that Rudnev just didn't get into the air and salt, and there was no point in continuing to argue with him. Instead of wasting time on him, it would be better to do the work of other representatives of the Social Revolutionary Party and put pressure on the bastard from the inside and force him to surrender.

"A bunch of idiots!"

Rudnev cursed contemptuously at the backs of the Mensheviks and the Cadets representatives. He was not worried about these guys causing trouble. As long as the Kremlin was in hand, the guys in the party could not do anything to him. What's more, what he was going to do next is good and no harm to the party, and those fools should know what choice to make.

"Contact Zinoviev to me and give him a stern-worded ultimatum. You must scare him!"

Maybe you will wonder, since Rudnev already believes that he has achieved some military victory, why not continue to strengthen his military offensive and instead try to use intimidation to scare the Bolsheviks into submission?

The reason is simple. First of all, he knew that he didn't have much troops at hand. Even if he had regained the Kremlin and obtained enough arms, he would not be able to arm a huge army in a short period of time. Especially now that he has left the Mensheviks and the Cadets alone, his troops and manpower will be even more difficult. In this case, he did not have the determination to eliminate the Bolsheviks and win;

Secondly, Karekin's troops were like a thorn in his throat. He soon said that he would arrive in Moscow. At that time, the Cadets' back would be very hard and would take away most of the credit. So he had to deal with the Bolsheviks before Karekin's troops arrived.

When strength is not absolute advantage and time is tight, let the Bolsheviks surrender. The only way Rudnev could think of is to fight and scare. As long as the Bolsheviks give up the uprising and hand over their weapons, even if the task is done, as for the responsibility of liquidating the Bolshevik rebellion and destroying their minds, we can talk about it later. Anyway, the toothless tiger can't eat anyone, right?

Zinoviev was like riding a roller coaster these few hours. At first he was going all the way, but when he reached the peak, he suddenly fell off. His heart couldn't stand this stimulation and almost stopped beating.

However, after he woke up, especially after learning how Smirlov and Molov swept him out, all he left was endless humiliation and overwhelming anger. As a prominent and prominent senior boss in the party, he was thrown out of the party committee like a dead dog. Whenever he thought of this, his throat would almost spit out of the fire.

"You wait for me. Smirlov, Molov, the day when I settle the score with you!"

Unfortunately, Zinoviev could only wave his fists at the air, and his bold words of vowing to take revenge seemed more like a joke.

That's right, it's just a joke that is not funny. In the past, he was Lenin's confidant and a member of the Central Committee. Naturally, people would treat him as a character. But now, he is nothing, just a poor man who offended Lenin and was ruthlessly attacked by his mentor and then abandoned.

Now, not only others are not optimistic about his future, but even he himself is full of worries about his future. The breakdown of the negotiations means that his route has suffered a complete failure. It means that he has no chance of turning the situation again. In this case, how can he turn the tables?

Revenge? Do you curse Smirlov and Molov in circles?

For a moment, Zinoviev seemed to be twenty years older, and there was no energy on him, like a dead body.

"Comrade Gregory, you have to cheer up! If you admit defeat now, there is really no hope!" Usievech advised earnestly.

Don't think that this is Usievich's loyalty. But his fate is not much better than Zinoviev. The only difference is that Dapian is finished, while he is driving at high speed on the road to return without returning.

As a hard-working person who supports negotiations with the enemy and maintains Zinoviev's line, the major responsibility for delaying the Moscow uprising must be counted on him. Anyway, Smirlov and Molov will definitely put all the shit on him. In the end, if the uprising is successful, the mentor may not touch Zinoviev, but will definitely use him to kill the chicken to warn the monkey.

Therefore, in a sense, Usiyevic's fate will be more miserable than Zinoviev. In this case, the only thing Usiyevic can expect is a miracle. Only in this way can Zinoviev make a comeback.

Judging from the current situation, armed uprisings are possible, whether they are victory or failure. Therefore, Usievich will follow Zinoviev without leaving any hesitation. The only thing he can bet on is this little hope.

Zinoviev was not moved by Usievich. He was completely unfavorable for this gambling, because even if the uprising failed, he might not have the possibility of making a comeback. If the uprising lost, the Bolsheviks would lose. At that time, the Bolsheviks scattered the tree and were either thrown into prison by the provisional government, or they would have to go into exile again. No matter which one it was, it was not a good result. This was not something he had worked hard for more than ten years and tried hard to get.

The atmosphere was very depressing. In the end, even Usiyevic stopped talking. The two of them sat foolishly in the small room of the hotel, silently looking at the floor, waiting for the final verdict.

"Comrade Gregory! Are you in there?"

When the atmosphere in the room was almost suffocating, the fierce knocks woke Zinoviev and Usievich up. The two looked at each other, and neither spoke, nor did they want to get up to open the door.

"Comrade Gregory, please open the door, there is good news!"

Good news?

Zinoviev didn't know what kind of news was good news at this time, so he weakly told the order: "Go open the door, Comrade Usievich, see what good news is!"

When saying the words good news, Zinoviev was full of self-deprecating and self-sarcasm. It is conceivable how depressed he was at this time.

Uxiyevic didn't say anything, silently opened the door, and the one who beat the door rushed in in an instant.

"Comrade Gregory, Mayor Rudnev has sent someone to contact you!!"

Zinoviev took a look at his secretary and didn't understand what good news it was. Rudnev sent someone to find him, but there were only two possibilities. Either the situation was against him and the guy was ready to seek peace; or the situation was against him and sent someone to show off his power. No matter which one it was, it was definitely not good news.

"What do he want to say?" Zinoviev asked weakly.

"He sent someone to issue a harshly worded ultimatum asking you to urge the Engineers to surrender immediately on behalf of the Soviets and the Revolutionary Military Commission!"

Zinoviev raised his head, sighed, and asked, "That's how the battle is good for him?"

"It is said that he has recovered the Kremlin!" said the secretary happily.

This is good news. Zinoviev smiled bitterly. At least he knew that his lord Li Xiaofeng was in trouble. It would be nice to hear this news before he was about to end.

"Why do we need to issue an ultimatum to Comrade Gregory?" Usievich suddenly asked, "Don't Rudnev know that the Revolutionary Military Commission is in charge now? What's the point of issuing an ultimatum to Comrade Gregory?"

As soon as Usievich said that, Zinoviev also reacted, as if Rudnev's action had other meanings. It seemed that he was deliberately trying to find an excuse to talk to him. Otherwise, there would be no reason to issue an ultimatum to him, the person who stood aside.

Is Rudnev planning to negotiate?

After thinking of that possibility, Zinoviev couldn't help but be excited. If his guess was correct, if he could return to the negotiating table, he could be resurrected!
Chapter completed!