Why do workers still choose to move forward when facing guns? Because they are already desperate, despair of the Tsarist government, despair of all previous revolutionary means, despair of survival*** However, there is still a glimmer of hope in the midst of these despairs, that is, they hope that their next generation can live well.

They are willing to use this bloody sacrifice to initiate a final accusation against the Tsarist government, even if it is an egg-strike to the stone.

Although the violent resistance of workers to the Tsarist army in Tsarist Russia has become increasingly fierce, and the sympathy for the revolutionaries has become increasingly widespread. Many policemen, soldiers and even the Tsarist army that have just returned from Europe have begun to show their shaken mentality.

Starting from late February, the troops involved in the suppression of workers gradually began to avoid conflicts with workers as much as possible. In addition to Moscow, casualties in other cities have dropped significantly.

Even the Tsarist Imperial Army guarding the Winter Palace began to move towards a revolution. They gathered privately to discuss the status quo and denounced the status quo. On March 1, all the middle and lower-level officers issued a joint petition, hoping that the Tsar could comply with the people's conditions and accept bourgeois political reforms.

It was this joint petition that immediately made Nicholas II panic. He never expected that the revolutionaries would penetrate into his nose. He did not know how many revolutionaries were in the Imperial Guard, and whether the Imperial Guard would take radical actions. Under such a mentality, he had to take first comfort measures and solemnly issue orders to the army. All soldiers were on standby and stopped conflicts with the workers. At the same time, they also asked the workers to stop violent movements and wait for the country to hold relevant meetings to discuss specific matters of political reform.

However, in secret, he hurriedly sent his confidants to gather all the troops loyal to the Tsar around Moscow, and transferred the officers of the Imperial Guards who participated in the joint petition for various reasons. Just like all the monarchs before the revolution, Nicholas II would never tolerate the fall of imperial power. Therefore, he chose to use deception as always, first divert everyone's attention, and then gradually weaken the domestic contradictions.

In early March, a few days ago, civil strife continued. With the order issued by Nicholas II, it alleviated a lot. Almost on the same day, the struggles across the country began to converge, and both workers and soldiers consciously stopped confrontation.

When Nicholas II received this news, he was satisfied that his plan would succeed again, but he did not realize that this time he was wrong. A brief suspension did not mean that it would end. Even this calm was not considered a breath of rest. The revolutionaries needed to take a break. In this revolutionary movement that had been going on for two months, the revolutionaries clearly realized that they not only wanted to strive for workers and the people of the middle and lower classes of society to stand on their side, but to seek soldiers to support their actions.

Faced with the cruel and rebellious Tsarist regime, compromise and concession will no longer have any meaning

On the contrary, only when Nicholas II is truly aware of the danger will this tyrant know how to make concessions

And this revolution will never end again because of what Nicholas II called "compromise". The revolutionaries must unite and use real armed forces to achieve the purpose of the revolution

Taking advantage of Nicholas II's complacent and relieved, the National Social Labor Party and other labor representative parties began to run, lobbying local military and police, and seeking more armed forces to join the revolutionary camp.

At the same time, the Social Revolutionary Party, a bourgeois party that originally supported constitutional monarchy, secretly contacted the Mensheviks of the Social Labor Party. After several simple meetings, we reached a consensus that in order to ensure the interests of the bourgeoisie and to fight against the "uncertain opposition forces" in the future, we need to establish an armed force representing the interests of the bourgeoisie as soon as possible.

However, the Social Revolutionary Party and the Mensheviks did not use dogmatic revolutionary theories like the Bolsheviks to attract local troops to join the revolutionary camp. These bourgeoisie hold a lot of national wealth. They plan to buy arms directly from abroad and form armed merchant groups. In name, they defend factories and capital circles, but in fact they are raising their own armed forces

This practice of the Social Revolutionary Party and the Mensheviks was to some extent just catered to Nicholas II.

Since the purpose of the armed merchant group is to defend factories, it is naturally to stand on the side of opposing strikes and let these bourgeoisie suppress workers' strikes. This will not only avoid the conflict between the Tsarist government and the working class, but also achieve the effect of checks and balances between the two sides.

Therefore, not only did not stop the bourgeoisie from developing private army, Nicholas II also made many encouragement

Although many royal princes and nobles issued a stern warning to Nicholas II that once the bourgeoisie has its own armed forces, the tsarist government will inevitably be unable to control these troublemakers as before. Although the bourgeoisie is not as emotional as the workers and even has serious conflicts with the working class, if things cannot develop as expected, in the end they will raise tigers.

"Which regime will easily allow the people to develop private military?"

"Either they are bandits or they are warlords, we cannot hope that they will stick to their own self-righteousness."

"Military power is the most dangerous power. It can help us stabilize the rule of the country and subvert our rule."

Faced with these dangerous words, Nicholas II did hesitate, but in the end he ignored it.

He did not completely lose his vigilance. The revolution that took place in Tsarist Russia has not been once or twice. As the monarch of a country, of course I know what scares me the most. But now he has to gamble, because many armies in Tsarist Russia are no longer reliable, and the national finances are not enough to cultivate a group of finally Tsarist troops. If this third force of the bourgeoisie has not disrupted the domestic situation, I am afraid that all the domestic spearheads will be pointed at him.

The situation in Tsarist Russia is getting worse day by day. Although the bourgeoisie is not a good ally, it is a chess piece that can still be used. Nicholas II does not want the bourgeoisie to do anything earth-shaking. After all, the bourgeoisie has developed and the consequences are also very serious. He just hopes to secretly manipulate the direction of national contradictions, provoke the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the working class, let these two groups fight each other, and buy more time for the Tsarist regime.

It was under such an environment that three major forces gradually formed in Tsarist Russia, namely: the Tsar princes and nobles headed by Nicholas II, the enlightened nobles and the bourgeois reformists, and the Bolshevik Party of the State Social Labor Party, all hoped that each other could restrain each other, and the princes and nobles wanted to defend the Tsarist regime and maintain the dominance of the state; the reformists demanded the division of political power, and on the other hand also curbed the workers' strikes; and after the outbreak of the February Revolution, the Bolsheviks finally decided to overthrow the Tsarist government and establish a regime belonging to the workers and the proletariat.

This is the most significant manifestation of Tsarist Russia's historical development going to a fork in the road. A complex and protracted competition is kicking off, which will also have a profound impact on future Russian changes and changes in the overall world situation.

When exploring the path to change national politics, the bourgeois reformists must actively learn the methods of foreign revolution

For example, the establishment of the business group armed forces was the experience gained from the cases of Japan, China and the Civil War in the United States. Without an armed force loyal to reform, there would be no enough voice in China's Hundred Days Empress failed. However, the Southern Armed Revolution was successful more than ten years later, and it even took only a few years to develop China to the position of fighting for hegemony with the world's great powers. This is the most typical practice. Although it seems too late now, as long as there is a first-line opportunity, you cannot give up easily.

However, the current situation of the Tsarist bourgeois reformists is still lacking in determination and courage. After all, there are also a group of enlightened nobles of the Tsarist regime among them. The effect they want to achieve is improvement, not revolution.
Chapter completed!