Kluchkov said this, scattered the documents in his hands into several parts, and then handed them to the hands of several generals closest to him on both sides, signaling them to pass them on, and then continued: "The first point is nothing to explain. The spoils we are talking about refer to the strategic materials seized through the combat against Japan this time. They must and can only be handled by the special forces of the Security Committee. For the Japanese armory, military station supply warehouse, ammunition warehouse and other facilities we occupied during the combat process, the participating troops must block and guard them as soon as possible. Our special forces will take over these places in the shortest time possible. Later, you will see the relevant documents issued by the Supreme Commander, so I will not say more about this."

"Ahem..." After two dry coughs, Kluchkov said, "I am here today to say the second point, especially the military comrades. This order will be closely related to your future and even your life. Therefore, I hope you can remember every word I have said. I do not want to see you in the prison of Ruby Yangka in the future."

Klyuchkov's words made the military committee members of various military regions in the venue change their faces. As staff members of the security committee stationed in the military, they understand better what kind of place Lubiyangka Prison is. No one would naively think that it was a paradise. Even if those who entered there finally could walk out alive, it would be difficult for them to holographically see. "The cross-border combat is not the first time for our Soviet Red Army," Klyuchkov looked at the faces of everyone in the venue.

Without seeing him, he said to himself. "As early as the two battles in Poland and Finland, our army had shown great and disappointing actions. Massacre of civilians, robbed property, raped women, etc. There is no doubt that this was a completely contrary to our Soviet system, the internationalist thought of Comrade Lenin, and the military philosophy of our Red Army. It was an imperialist act. There is no doubt that Stalin, the pseudo-revolutionary, had instigated and condoned,

This extremely inhuman, imperialist conquerors' behaviors emerged and spread, but now this pseudo-revolutionary, the pseudo-Bolsheviks, has been defeated, and the ills left over from his period must be completely corrected. What is particularly important is that Comrade Tukhachevsky, Comrade Chu Sinan and other comrades in the Supreme Command were deeply hated by this beast-like behavior. Therefore, with the authorization of the Supreme Command, the Security Committee in this war

During the process, the Security Committee will fully intervene in the rectification of military discipline. For any similar vicious incident, the Security Committee has the right to suspend, remove, and arrest any army-level commander. At the same time, according to the internal decision of the Security Committee, all military members of each unit involved in such incidents will be jointly and severally liable. Next, I will announce the Regulations on the Implementation of Joint and Several Liability of Military Discipline Punishment formulated by the Security Committee."

Kryuchkov said, extracting a copy from the stack of documents. He took it in his hand and then briefly stated: "Our so-called "Regulations on the Implementation of Joint and Several Liability of Military Discipline Punishment, that is, according to the army system, the command system of the previous level is responsible for the behavior of the next level of the army command system. According to the popularization of our military committee system, the platoon leader and instructor are responsible for the soldiers; in the company-level unit system, the company commander and instructor are responsible for the platoon-level unit system; in the battalion, the battalion commander and the military committee are responsible for the company-level unit system. And so on, until the group army-level unit system. The specific implementation method is as follows: In the platoon-level unit system, a case appears

In response to vicious persecution of civilians, the platoon leader canceled all the titles of glorious places, was dismissed from the party and military, and was expelled from the party and military, and was not allowed to hold state public office for life. Instructors and perpetrators were punished on the same crimes as perpetrators, and were executed on the spot. In the company-level system, there were three cases of vicious persecution of civilians, and the company commander canceled all the titles of glorious places that they had received, were dismissed from the party and military, and were not allowed to hold state public office for life. Instructors were executed on the spot. In the battalion-level system, there were vicious persecutions of seven lis against civilians, and the battalion-level commander eliminated all the titles of glorious places that they had obtained, were dismissed from the party and military, and were not allowed to hold state public office for life. Military committee members were executed on the spot... "

Klyuchkov spoke for more than ten minutes. During his speech, the generals present were still saying something, while the faces of the military committee members became paler. Every "on-site shooting" that Klyuchkov said could make them shudder involuntarily. Yes, if the Security Committee wanted to execute a military general, especially a general at the army level or above, then he would have to give some more explanation. However, for the military committee members, even if they were military members of the first-level army, the Security Committee would not have to give any explanation to anyone if they wanted to execute them.

In the Soviet military system, military commissioners were a very delicate existence. Military generals had no right to speak irresponsible about the work of a military commissioner, nor to command and mobilize them. Of course, they had no right to remove them from their posts, not for anything else, just because they did not belong to the military system, but were completely obeyed by the security committee with full independence of power. Because of this, military commissioners became an existence in the army, but had a detachment from the army. After the consent of superiors, military commissioners had the right to take over the army and cancel the power of commanders at the same level; they had the right to reject the decisions made by the commanders when necessary; they had the right to unilaterally declare the troops to enter a state of emergency, etc., to put it bluntly, their power in the army was basically equivalent to the commander, but was not controlled by the commander.

From this perspective alone, the military committee members seem to be a bad person, with great power and unrestrained, but in fact, those who are in their positions know that military committee members are not so easy to do. They live a life of trembling throughout their day, fearing that they will make mistakes, because for them, making mistakes means being doomed and falling into hell.

If a military commander makes a mistake, he may be punished with a serious demerit, removed from his post until he is expelled from the military, and a military commissioner makes a mistake. He will not be punished with a serious demerit, nor will he be dismissed, and what awaits him will either spend a bleak life in prison or a direct death. The Security Committee will never be ruthless to any member of the organization who has made mistakes, and when this organization executes members, it does not require any trial.

"We need the power to shoot," Derzhinsky, the founder of the Security Council, once said, "People with great power will accept even more severe and even cruel supervision."

While many military commissioners were sweating coldly, Chu Sinan was watching coldly. He was very satisfied with Klyuchkov's performance.

This plan for military discipline and land rectifying was conceived by Chu Sinan himself and applied to the Supreme Command. In the initial stage, both Gilnilova and Kluchkov expressed their support for this plan. Of course, the starting point for the latter two to consider this plan was definitely different from Chu Sinan. In the view of Gilnilova and Kluchkov, this was the best time to further spread the influence of the Security Committee into the army. In the view of these two, since Stalin's fall, with the rehabilitation of a series of false and wrong cases and the turmoil of the Security Committee itself, the prestige of this organization has been greatly affected. At the same time, in the process of Chu Sinan as the first secretary of the organization, his gentle personality also made the Security Committee deal with many problems.

Hou lost the cold-blooded and cruel appearance that was in the past. It was precisely because of this reason that in various regions, a group of people jumped out in the previous stage. Using the "bloodline theory" as a weapon, Chu Sinan's land was gradually under the control of Chu Sinan's power. In the heyday of the Security Committee, who would dare to say anything to him by relying solely on Chu Sinan's identity as the first secretary of the Security Committee? Who dared to make trouble for this Taisui land? Looking back on Ye Ruofu and Belia, their power in the Soviet Central Committee was obviously not as good as Chu Sinan University, but who would dare to stand up and count their faults? Why? For nothing else, just because the Security Committee was at its heyday, and anyone who commented in front of others or even behind the scenes was quietly eliminated.

It is precisely because of this that Ji and Ke believe that when Tukhachevsky's condition worsened and he was determined to come to power, they had to re-express the vitality of the Security Committee through a series of actions, so that everyone could understand that this once creepy secret police organization is still operating effectively, and anyone who attempts to attack Chu Sinan with any excuse and seize the power of the Kremlin must be careful of the omnipresent figure of the Security Committee and their cruel blows by any means.

Gilnilova and Klyuchkov, these two cold-blooded figures who have been completely tied to the Chu chariot, have determined a set policy that cannot be broken in the process of step-by-step power climbing. ￣As the leading figures of the military, Chu Sinan will always play the role of a moderate leader in the front desk, using his personal charm and gentle means to gather together all those who can be gathered. At the same time, for those "unwilling to be lonely", the security committee will be handed over to "reception".

"Himler is Hitler's Gestapo leader, and Belia is Stalin's Gestapo leader. So from now on, let us become your Gestapo leader." This is what Gilnilova said to Chu Sinan in front of Klyuchkov.

The reason why Klyuchkov came out at the military conference in the Far East today was completely the first step for the Security Committee to regain its prosperity.

There is no doubt that judging from the performance of many generals on the venue when Kluchkov appeared, the generals of these military forces have gradually forgotten Chu Sinan's other identity, the terrible identity of the first secretary of the Security Committee. Perhaps, with Chu Sinan's moderate performance, these military officials prefer to regard him as their own. But Kluchkov is different. Although everyone knows that this guy is just a branch director of the Security Committee, he is obviously more dangerous and terrifying than Chu Sinan. There is no doubt that with the ongoing war against Japan, these generals will also restore the fear of the Security Committee. This is exactly what Ji and Ke hope to see.

As a captured general, Paulus sat in his seat and witnessed the whole process from the appearance to the announcement of the order. To be honest, although there was no military commissioner in the German troops he led, Klyuckov's words also made him sweat.

Paulus will never forget the conversation between the secret police leader and himself before leaving Moscow this time and heading for the Far East.

Why do you think the Soviets would be assured that Paulus would lead his troops to fight in the Far East? It was impossible at that time. In order to prevent this "volunteer army" team composed of German soldiers from not having any accidents during the war, the Security Committee fully intervened in the formation of this army. Before leading an army of more than 200,000 prisoners of war to the Far East, Paulus had received a secret warning from Klyuchkov: Once the German army defected on the Far East front, or a large number of soldiers fled, the Soviet Union would no longer guarantee the lives of German prisoners of war in various concentration camps in the rear.

Facing Klyuckov's cold face without any expression, Paulus believed one thing, that is, in this world, without these secret police of the Soviet Union. Similarly, Paulus would not forget that in the Katyn Forest outside Smolensk, more than 4,000 Polish officers who were shot were buried there. Although the Soviet Union has not yet admitted that this matter was done by them, Paulus knew that this bloody crime was not only done by the Soviets, but also from the hands of the Security Committee.

In Germany, Himmler and his Gestapo organization terrified everyone, and in the Soviet Union, Paulus was able to feel the danger of Himmler from Klyuchkov. It is precisely because of this that he was quite afraid of Klyuchkov.

Almost thirty minutes later, Klyuchkov's performance finally ended. In the fearful eyes of everyone, he first gave a standard military salute to Chu Sinan, and then still maintained that serious expression that was unmoved. He turned around and left the combat conference room.

"Everyone," said Chu Sinan, as he left Klyucchkov, walked to his ground and sat down. He took a sip of the cold tea that had become, and then said, "It seems that Comrade Klyucchkov is not very popular with us."

There is no doubt that Chu Sinan said nonsense, and the answer had long been imprinted on the faces of everyone present.

"But it is not allowed to be admitted," Chu Sinan continued, "we do need to pay attention to some of the issues he mentioned, because it is not only related to the smooth development of our entire war, but also to the progress and development of our entire Soviet cause. "No rules cannot be used to form a square or a circle, and without imposing heavy rules, we cannot guarantee the strictness of our military discipline. So from this perspective, I think it is very necessary for the Security Committee to have a limited intervention in this war to a certain extent. What do you think?"

Everyone nodded, but the fear on their faces had not yet faded, especially those military commissioners.

"Okay, today's meeting will be here." Chu Sinan reached out and patted the table, and said with a swearing voice, "All the generals will return to the base immediately to arrange the mobilization work before the war. I sincerely hope that from today onwards, what will appear in front of you will be a bright road to glory and glory. Of course, I also hope that everyone can work tirelessly for this."

No matter how deep the appearance of Klyuchkov left in the hearts of the commanders of the Far East and Pacific Battle Clusters, it is not to say what impact this will have on Chu Sinan's future. In the upcoming war, with Chu Sinan's words, to be precise, with the end of this meeting, the huge war machines that the Soviet Union had been displaying in the Far East finally started to operate in the "rumble" roar.

Starting from mid-to-early October, thousands of tanks, armored vehicles, and transport artillery vehicles began to gather in four directions of the scheduled attack. For a time, the west bank of the Ergun River, the north bank of the Heilongjiang River, and the direction of the sea cucumbers became a huge military camp.

At the same time, in order to cover up, especially to impose an inertial thinking on the Japanese army, the Soviet aviation troops began to frequently perform aerial reconnaissance missions on the Sino-Soviet border. They even flew into Manchuria with great power and showed off their military power over the Japanese occupied areas. Once the Japanese planes took off to intercept, they quickly turned around and retreated to the Soviet Union.

This unscrupulous provocation made the Japanese Kwantung Air Force feel so full of breath that it was helpless. The upper level of the military headquarters strictly prohibited any conflict with the Soviet army at this time, but in order to prevent the Soviet army from launching a sudden attack, every time the Soviet plane crossed the border, the Japanese planes must also take off on a large scale.

In the long run, the harassment of the Soviet army has put a heavy burden on the Japanese Air Force in Manchuria. It is okay to say that the pilots are exhausted, but every time the fighter takes off, in addition to working the pilot, it also requires a lot of fuel. After all, this weapon that can soar in the blue sky requires drinking oil, and the large consumption of fuel will inevitably cause unnecessary trouble to logistics transportation.

"God knows how long will this harassment by the Russians last," Faced with harassment by the Soviet Air Force, some Japanese pilots complained so much, and some even began to fight with the Soviets in a hurry.

The gods always like to favor those who are fighting spirit. The Japanese Air Force, who could not wait to compete with the Soviets, finally got what they wanted. The war they were looking forward to finally broke out in late October. However, this time the god's favor was really a disaster for them, because the god's name was ￣￣ Death.
Chapter completed!