"Is this what the President calls a compromise?" Tukhachevsky said slowly after a while of silence. "In my opinion, this does not seem to be a compromise strategy, but a strategy to make our Soviet Union break."

"Everyone knows that fighting on both sides is a taboo," Tukhachevskiy paused, and then said, "Mr. President, do you know that for a long time, we have been trying to avoid the war on the Eastern Front. Now, you want us to take the lead in attacking the Japanese Kanto Army. Isn't this a big deal?"

"Mr. Mikhail, things are probably not as serious as you said? After all, Japan is different from Germany. They are far from the Germans in terms of resources, manpower, and weapons and equipment. With the combination of several boxes, the combat effectiveness of the Japanese army is several levels different from that of the German army." Roosevelt said, "What is particularly important is that the Japanese army is currently striving to seize strategic interests in the Pacific and Southeast Asia. They have been entangled in the Chinese war of resistance against Japan for a long time on the Chinese battlefield. In this case, we have reason to believe that the Japanese army cannot pose any threat to your country. The most important thing is that what we need is not to defeat them directly. What we need is to restrain and restrain the main force of the Kanto Army, making it unable to support the operations on the Pacific battlefield, that's all."

Tukhachevsky was silent, frowned, as if thinking about something. Roosevelt looked at Churchill, and both of them were silent. It was obvious that they were waiting for Tukhachevsky, the supreme leader of the Soviet Union, to make a final decision.

At this time, it was not only Roosevelt and Churchill. Chu Sinan was as nervous as them. He hoped to hear a positive answer from Tukhachevsky. As a senior general in the Soviet army, Chu Sinan knew the current situation of the Soviet Union. Due to historical changes, the losses of the Soviet army on the Soviet-German battlefield were not that heavy. The Battle of Leningrad, the Battle of Kursk, the Moscow defense war and other battles that had greatly damaged the Soviet Union's vitality in history.

, it did not reappear. From the outbreak of the war until now, the Soviet Red Army's troops were about 1.5 million and 600,000, which was not an unbearable number of casualties for the Soviet Union to recruit millions of troops in the war. Before, the Soviet army was nervous in the battle of the northern and the Battle of Stalingrad in the early stages of the Battle of Stalingrad. It was not because there was no force to mobilize, but because the Kremlin's land struggle for power, which led to a large number of reserve teams being delayed in the rear and unable to transfer forward.

Now that the political situation of the Kremlin has stabilized, Tukhachevsky has completely grasped power, which is equivalent to eliminating all previous factional divisions. Before coming to Moscow, the main force of the First Military Region stationed in Gubishev had advanced westward at full speed. This part of the Soviet army had a total of five armies, two reorganized armored divisions, four artillery regiments and one air force. At the same time, the three armies of the Zhukov Second Military Region also began to move towards Voronezh, the middle reaches of the Don River. The purpose was to cooperate with the main force of the Second Military Region mixed into the Volga Front, and the Stalingrad Front led by Huasseyevsky. The "Iron Pliers" encirclement of the German "B" army group to eliminate the main force of the German army along the Don River.

Therefore, overall, in the battle in the direction of Stalingrad, the Soviet army had an absolute advantage in terms of military strength. Huasilevsky's Stalingrad Front had a strength of 250,000, Zhukov's Voronezh Front had a strength of 150,000, and Lieutenant General Tolubko's Volga District Front had a strength of nearly 200,000. To sum up the three fronts, a total of nearly 600,000, which is almost twice the total number of German troops. In this case, if this battle cannot be won, the Soviet Union will be helpless.

On the premise of ensuring the victory of the Battle of Stalingrad, the rear troops in Northeast China, Far East Military Region, Ural Military Region, Grassland Military Region, East Siberian Military Region and other areas near Mongolia are still enough to meet the needs of fighting against Japan. At present, the fundamental reason why Tukhachevsky and the main public opinion within the Soviet Union do not agree with the fighting against Japan is the driving force of national interests, because everyone knows that a war against Japan must be paid at this time, and as for the benefits that can be obtained, there are very few. For the Soviet Union, the best choice is to sit back and watch the war between Japan and the United States, so that the two can consume their strength in the long-term confrontation of the ocean.

Of course, in addition to these factors, there was also a big problem with the Soviet Far Eastern forces, that is, the problem of logistics support. Guns and ammunition are no longer the biggest difficulties for the Soviet army now, but what about food? Nearly one million troops have to eat when they are put into battle. Where should such a huge amount of food come from? How to transport it? These are all big problems.

It is obvious that the Americans are also very clear about the main difficulties faced by the Soviet Union. What does it mean to be a country with a population of tens of millions of people mobilized millions of troops during the war? This means a large loss of labor. Without labor, the production of the huge military industry in the rear must be at the expense of agriculture. Sacrifice of agriculture means a shortage of food, not to mention that in the early stages of the war, the Soviet Union lost the vast majority of grain-producing land in its western region. Roosevelt and his government are very clear that as long as they hold the grain level, it is equivalent to holding the throat of the Soviets and throwing out some benefits in this regard at the right time, I believe that it is enough to make the rebellious Soviets make concessions.

"Mr. Mikhail," after a long silence, Roosevelt finally threw out the last bait of the U.S. government. "If you and your government can make some concessions at this point and agree to our plan, then in the next six months, our country will provide you with a total value of three billion dollars of food in addition to providing you with five billion dollars of military aid. I think this food should be enough to alleviate your country's urgent needs."

Tukhachevsky raised his eyebrows, but he still didn't say a word. In fact, the 3 billion US dollars of food aid had already made him excited. But he didn't want to let go at this time, and he still needed to seek more benefits.

"Mr. Mikhail, I think the conditions we can do are sufficient," Roosevelt could see the other party's plan. He smiled and said, "In six months, your country will receive all the assistance we promised. At the same time, as long as your country's military operations against Japan are carried out as scheduled. Then next January will be the time for us to open up the battlefield in Western Europe."

Tukhachevsky finally got what he needed. That was the timetable for the United States and Britain to open up the battlefield in Western Europe.

"I need an excuse to fight against Japan." Tukhachevsky spoke. He said slowly.

His meaning was very clear, that is, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan, and it needed a good excuse, not to do anything else, just to calm the domestic opposition.

Roosevelt understood his meaning, so he replied happily: "There will be excuses, and for a war, there will never be a lack of excuses."

"We need time," Tukhachevsky said with a blank expression, "at least until the Battle of Stalingrad is over, we will not take any military action on the Eastern Front."

Roosevelt and Churchill looked at each other, and a mixed look flashed in their eyes at the same time. It was so happy that Tukhachevsky finally gave in, which means that in a short while, the Soviet Union's war against Japan was about to begin, and the worry was the arrival of this time. I'm afraid it would take at least a few months.

"Five billion US dollars of military aid and 3 billion US dollars of food aid must be shipped from now on and delivered to us within four months." Tukhachevsky added another condition, shortening the final delivery time of aid from six months to four months. In this way, it means that the Americans would deliver all the aid materials to the Soviet Union before the Soviet army fought against Japan.

Roosevelt and other US governments strangled the throat of the Soviet Union's food shortage. Tukhachevsky and his Soviet government also grasped the weakness of the United States and Britain, that is, they could not independently bear the burden of fighting against Japan and Germany. There is no doubt that if the Soviet Union made peace with the German army on the Eastern Front, then Britain, on the Western Front, would immediately suffer a catastrophe. In the Far East, if the Soviet Union and Japan signed a treaty of friendship and mutual trust, the pressure on the US military on the Pacific battlefield would greatly increase. It is precisely based on this that Tukhachevsky gradually put the harsh conditions on the United States and Britain, and he was not worried that the other party would not accept it.

A final request made by Tukhachevsky made Roosevelt a little embarrassed. Although he is the president of the United States, this does not mean that he can make decisions in everything in the United States. Next to him, there is a US Congress watching. Just like the issue of this batch of aid, it has already been exhausted to win over the issue of this batch of aid. The prerequisite for Congress to finally pass is that this batch of aid can be exchanged for the Soviet Union to fight against Japan in a short period of time. But now, Tukhachevsky refused to let go, and he still insisted on delaying the schedule of the war against Japan for a short time. According to his statement, the Soviet Union's fight against Japan in the Far East may be delayed until the beginning of next spring. Before that, the United States needed to deliver all aid projects in advance. Roosevelt did not know whether the result of such a negotiation could be passed in Congress.

"Mr. Mikhail," said Roosevelt after a brief thought, "the conditions you gave are really too harsh, I..."

"Mr. President, please be aware." Before Roosevelt's translation was finished, Tukhachevsky said bluntly, "The basis of our cooperation lies in the fight against the German-fascists rather than the Japanese. At least from the moment, any military actions of the Japanese have nothing to do with our Soviet alliance. Now, you and your government require us to fight against Japan, which is equivalent to letting our Red Army soldiers sacrifice for irrelevant interests. From this point of view, I don't think any of our requests are too excessive."

Roosevelt and Churchill looked at each other, then shrugged at the same time.

"If the President is still unsure, I can give you enough time to discuss with your parliament." Tukhachevsky said with a smile.

"Okay," Roosevelt knew that the No. 1 leader from the Red Soviet Union could no longer make any concessions, so he was not allowed to nod, "We do need some time to discuss the conditions you gave. But I don't think it will take too long. The day after tomorrow, I will give you an accurate reply."

"Okay, I'm waiting for good news from Mr. President." Tukhachevsky stood up from his seat and said with a smile.

Seeing Tukhachevsky get up, Roosevelt and Churchill also stood up from their seats. The former took two steps forward and shook hands with Tukhachevsky, and then said: "It's getting late today, so we won't disturb Mr.'s rest. Tomorrow morning, I will arrange someone to pick him up to the White House and attend our meeting. I think your advice may make it more realistic for the members of Congress. And I will persuade them more easily."

"Mr. President, there is no problem with attending the meeting, but if I were you, I would have chosen Comrade Chu Sinan to attend the meeting," Tukhachevsky let go and said with a smile. "As a general who has been directly involved in this battle, he has a greater say than me."

"What? Me?" Chu Sinan was shocked. He subconsciously reached out and pulled Tukhachevsky's sleeve, and said, "I can't do it, I..."

As a general, Chu Sinan once spoke at a combat conference and gave passionate speeches to tens of thousands of soldiers, but he never thought that one day he would be able to be in the US Congress. Facing those "donkeys" who quarreled all day long, what the "elephants" said.

"If General Chu Sinan can accept the invitation, it will naturally be a good idea." Before General Chu Sinan could finish his opposition, Roosevelt agreed first, "I think the general has the experience of direct command of war on the German front and has achieved fruitful results. You can tell the experience of German combat in Congress and the cruelty of this war in the world for those who are afraid of the strength of the Germans or who are ignorant of the current international situation. It will inevitably play a great role in our cooperation."

"Yes, I think the general shouldn't refuse such a significant thing, right?" Churchill shook the fat on his cheeks and smiled maliciously.

"This..." Chu Sinan hesitated and looked at Tukhachevsky. He wanted to see what the old man was thinking.

Facing Chu Sinan's gaze, Tukhachevsky smiled but said nothing, but from his eyes, Chu Sinan could feel the meaning. Obviously, this matter was proposed by him, and he also had the same attitude.

"Well, I can try it out," Chu Sinan said at last, "but I am a limited talent and will not give those passionate and exciting speeches. I can only tell what I know truthfully. As for the effect, it depends on the situation. If the President is not afraid of me messing up, then I will have no problem."

"Oh?" Roosevelt was slightly stunned. He did not expect Chu Sinan to say such words. According to the plan he envisioned, the speech to Congress tomorrow would have an important purpose, and this purpose was naturally to further strengthen the fighting spirit of those members of Congress. In the past few years, both the Democratic and Republican parties had a basically consistent argument in Congress, that is, not to participate in the war and not to provide assistance to any party in the war. Later, with the development of European wars, especially the fall of France and the British

It was tight, and with the repeated efforts of Roosevelt himself and the instigation of those arms dealers, Congress finally passed a Lease Act, allowing the government to provide wartime loan assistance to anti-Axis forces participating in the war, but direct participation in the war was still opposed by the vast majority. This situation was not partially improved until the end of last year, after the Pearl Harbor incident. With the huge losses caused by the Japanese sneak attack on the Pacific Fleet, the hawks in Congress began to gain the upper hand and eventually led to the declaration of war on Japan.

However, even so, there are still a group of congressmen in Congress who are concerned about the United States' full participation in the war. These congressmen mainly come from the southern and central states. These states basically continue the economic model before the Civil War and are mainly agriculture-based areas. Therefore, they cannot see what benefits they can bring to them by participating in the war, so they are still critical of participating in the war.

What Roosevelt needs now is to make these people realize the necessity of joining the war, let them realize the greed and cruelty of fascist Germany, and thus understand one thing, that is, this war is by no means a matter of a certain region or a country, but by all the people who desire freedom and advocate freedom in the world. As a member of this world, the United States must not be out of it. It needs and must devote itself to this war.

To achieve this, Chu Sinan's speech must fully demonstrate the strength of the German military and make the parliamentarians understand that if the United States does not participate in this war, then the entire Europe and Asia will eventually fall under the iron hoof of the Germans. At the same time, Chu Sinan must also make these parliamentarians clear that Hitler's greed was endless. After the destruction of Europe and Asia, the United States that followed would inevitably be the United States that attempted to survive alone.

In a sense, this can be regarded as a kind of intimidation, allowing MPs who are afraid of war or think that war is still far away to fully recognize the seriousness of the problem.

However, excessive intimidation will often have a counterproductive effect, so from this perspective, Chu Sinan must grasp a problem of degree. ￣￣ His speech not only makes the parliamentarians realize the necessity of participating in the war, but also cannot over-stimulate them, causing them to panic about the strength of the Germans. And the grasp of this degree is the so-called art of speech.

"Mr. President, don't worry," Tukhachevsky could understand Roosevelt's concerns. He dispelled the president's concerns with one sentence. "It is important to know that our generals know what it means to stop in moderation, besides striving for victory on the battlefield."

The translator quickly told Roosevelt this sentence, who immediately understood the meaning. He smiled and stopped entangling on this issue, and instead said goodbye to Churchill.
Chapter completed!