A few thin pieces of paper were read over and over for more than half an hour before handing it back to Qiu Liben, saying, "Have all the entries been checked?"

"I checked it, I checked every word three times last night." Qiu Liben nodded. He carefully put the manuscript paper in his briefcase and said, "As a journalist, you can interview national leaders and get such a very historically valuable news. This life is enough. Mr. Chen, thank you for giving me such a good opportunity.

Chen Chong smiled. If Qiu Liben knew the content on these pages, he had tricked it out last year, his eyes would probably be protruding.

"Editor Qiu, have you packed your luggage?"

"I've packed it up long ago." Qiu Liben said impatiently: "I really want to fly back to Hong Kong immediately and release such a big news now."

"We are magazines, not newspapers." Chen Chong tapped the little kid on the kang with his fingers and said, "The depth is mainly about it, and there is no need to deliberately pursue speed."

"Mr. Chen, this kind of news, not to mention weekly or monthly, will disrupt the publishing plan and be released immediately." Qiu Liben shook his head and said, "I really regret not booking a printing factory in advance before leaving Hong Kong. If it is set, it will be published tomorrow."

"Hastyness means not reaching, no hurry." Chen Chong comforted: "This is scoop, other media don't know so quickly."

"You can't say that." Qiu Liben said with his fingers: "Xinhua News Agency, People's Daily, Guangming Daily, and People's Liberation Army Daily are all official newspapers, which are much more energy than ours. Maybe we just left yesterday and they knew the news. I am anxious now and didn't fall asleep all night last night."

"They are indeed very powerful, but have you ever thought about it?" Chen Chong said slowly: "This policy is clear and rigorous in discussions. It is obviously not a temporary idea. These big newspapers have good locations and people, so why have they not even reported clues? Why didn't the leader publish this news through the official Xinhua News Agency, but instead revealed it to our new magazine that has not even published the first issue?"

"Why?"

"Because the central government wants to test the reactions of the British government and the Hong Kong people through our reports." Shen impulsively sat down with numb legs and said, "China and the UK are about to negotiate on the Hong Kong issue. If the official news agency issues this policy, it will be less flexible and will easily fall into a passive position."

"But this is said by the Supreme Leader himself, and the authority is beyond doubt." Qiu Liben argued: "What is the difference between our release and Xinhua News Agency's release?"

"Whether you believe it or not, the CCP is not a dictatorship, but a collective leadership system." Chen Chong got off the kang, stood up straight, and said with some meaning: "Today is the moon and the day, and the Fifth Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee will be held tomorrow, and the meeting will last until the day."

Qiu Liben finally understood and said, "Mr. Chen means that what we are reporting now is just the leader's personal opinions, not the formal policy?"

"Yes, it may become a formal policy in the future, but it is not yet, so we are here to publish it. This way, you can attack and retreat and defend." Chen Chong touched the gauze on his forehead and said, "I'm going back to pack my luggage. Editor-in-chief Qiu, don't be too excited, rest well, and accumulate strength. After returning to Hong Kong, you will be busy."

Chen Chong glanced at Qiu Liben, who was dazed and stunning, shook his head and smiled, lifted the curtain, and walked out.

This time, he brought Qiu Li to Beijing with him. His original intention was to rely on his connections to interview a few bigwigs and add more to the first issue of the Chinese Current Affairs News magazine. Unexpectedly, Mr. Deng suddenly met him and gave him an opportunity to interview. The main content he talked about during the interview was the "one country, two systems" policy.

Before Shen Chong went to Huangshan last year, he thought about tricks that could attract Deng Gong. The Iranian revolution was too far away and the Vietnam War was too fast. He was not rich enough. He was just a little Hong Kong young man with some money after hype. He couldn't catch the eyes of big people. In the end, he gritted his teeth and took the lead in "one country, two systems".

When I was in high school in my previous life, it was the time when Hong Kong and Macau returned. Not only were the introductions from newspapers, magazines, TV and other media every few days, but also the introductions in political textbooks and reference books were also introduced in a series of "one country, two systems". They were definitely published in major and minor tests, and all kinds of key points must be recited. He still remembers most of the contents after he graduated for many years.

So he wrote down everything he could remember, and then ran to Huangshan to use his ultimate move. In 1979, the concept of "one country, two systems" was still in its infancy, so he successfully gambled, and his ultimate move was effective, which attracted the attention of Mr. Deng.

Chen Chong dared to tinker with the "one country, two systems" because this system is not a castle in the air, it comes out of thin air. It is not only historical evolution, but also the focus of the central government's concern, and is easier to accept than the "knowledge economy".

"One country, two systems" was originally proposed to resolve the Taiwan issue. In 19Ul, Mao Zedong once said this when he met with Indonesian President Sukarno: "If Taiwan returns to the motherland... we allow Taiwan to maintain its original social system and wait for the Taiwanese people to solve this problem by themselves."

This is the earliest prototype of one country, two systems. According to the newspaper information found by Chen Chong, Mr. Deng mentioned the concept of "one country, two systems" several times in 1978.

On October 8, Deng Gong said when meeting with Japanese artist Jun Eto: "If the motherland is reunified, our policies in Taiwan will be handled based on the reality of Taiwan. For example, the United States has a lot of investment in Taiwan and Japan has a lot of investment there. This is the reality, and we face this reality."

This means that after unification, the Chinese government will respect the reality of Taiwan and protect foreign investment. This is Deng Gong’s initial thought on the concept of “one country, two systems”.

On the 14th of the 14th of the 19th month, Mr. Deng talked about the Taiwan issue during his talks with Myanmar President Wu Naiwen, and said: "When resolving the Taiwan issue, we will respect the reality of Taiwan. For example, some systems in Taiwan can remain unchanged, and the lifestyle over there can be unchanged, but they must be unified."

On March 39, 1979, MacLeho, then the Governor of Hong Kong, visited Beijing. Mr. Deng clearly stated that after China took back Hong Kong in 2018, Hong Kong could still engage in capitalism.

Deng Gong's words caused a huge response in Hong Kong, which was also one of the inspirations for the time difference and to tinker with "one country, two systems", because according to memory, it was not until 19th that Deng Gong finally proposed the concept of "one country, two systems".

"One country, two systems" took shape in just two or three years and eventually became a policy, which shows that the national senior management did not have much disagreement on this issue and the risk was very low. The issue of Hong Kong's return is imminent, so Mr. Deng must be very concerned. This is because Chen Chong finally chose to use it as a big move.

Now, this big move has finally blossomed and bear fruit - the outside world has no idea what he did, but in the minds of the senior management, he is the authority of the Hong Kong issue. In the future, he may have the opportunity to mix it up.
Chapter completed!