The Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of Russia (Bolsheviks) held on March 1 (March 18, history) may only mean for Li Xiaofeng that he entered the core power in the Bolsheviks for the first time. However, for the Communist Party of Russia, this Congress is of extraordinary significance. In the usual terms in history, this is a conference with turning point significance.

What is the significance of the turning point in history? Two days before the Eighth National Congress, Sverdlov suddenly passed away due to Spanish flu. On the day of the conference, Lenin said sadly at the emergency meeting of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee held to commemorate Sissie:

"Comrade Sverdlov is an eternal symbol of revolutionaries' loyalty to their cause, a model of calm and skillful handling of practical work, close contact with the masses, and good at leading the masses! It is a guarantee of the complete victory of the world communist revolution in an increasingly large number of proletarians following this example, constantly moving forward, and achieving the guarantee of the complete victory of the world communist revolution!"

After the memorial meeting, Lenin personally led the funeral to Red Square and gave a brief speech again in front of Sverdlov’s tomb. He emphasized that Sverdlov was a proletarian leader who had made a lot of contributions to the working class.

"Comrade Sverdlov will be immortal. We solemnly swore in front of his tomb, and we must strive to overthrow capital and liberate the workers!"

The reason why Lenin gave Sverdlov such a high evaluation was mainly because he died too suddenly and too badly. March 1919 was quite difficult. Not only was the war situation abrupt, but the mentor was assassinated and shot a few months ago. Then Sir died again. With the outbreak of the German Revolution, Trotsky's influence increased day by day. It can be said that the situation of mentor at that time was very difficult.

At that difficult time, he was not so much commemorating Sverdlov, but rather self-encouraging and self-motivation. At the Eight Great Congress, Trotsky's influence grew rapidly, which was when Lao Trotsky was closest to his mentor. He ended up feeling quite uncomfortable in all aspects. Until a year later, the Hungarian Revolution and the German Revolution were basically over, Trotsky suffered a tragic defeat, and the mentor's mentor was restored.

The turning point was not only because of Sverdlov, but also mainly at this conference that Trotsky's struggle line based on the theory of continuous revolution was basically determined. That was to work hard to export revolution and launch a world revolution.

Even Lenin had to say: "As the international significance of the revolution increases, the imperialists around the world are becoming more and more closely colluded... As our cause continues to develop and succeed, the resistance and hatred of imperialists in various countries is becoming more and more powerful... The Soviet Socialist Republic is the real source of the socialist revolution in the world. Therefore, the greater the revolution in our country, the more enemies there will be... Our country is in a very serious situation. All comrades must recognize the reality and recognize the dangers they face. Keep up with it. Remember that we are not fighting for the Russian Revolution, but for the international socialist revolution!"

This sentence is quite interesting and difficult to interpret. On the surface, Lenin was trying to encourage and cheer up all the comrades of the Party for the World Revolution, but in fact, the focus was on Russia. Because of the success of the Russian Revolution, the enemy was jealous. Because of the enemy's jealousy, the situation was grim and the situation was grim. Therefore, we must continue to work hard and strive to achieve a complete victory in the Russian Revolution, which is to win the final decisive battle of the international socialist revolution.

Do you see the difference between this statement and Trotsky? In Trotsky, the focus of the revolution is not on Russia, but on Germany. Only by striving for the victory of the German revolution can the final victory of the international socialist revolution be.

And for Lenin, Russia had already had a decisive battle. To put it bluntly, the mentor was still sing a different tune with Trotsky, but because of the situation, he had to speak more obscurely.

Of course, overall, the Congress decided through Trotsky's route that it was necessary to carry out revolutionary output, but it was just that Lenin had the gate in terms of output mode and strength.

This is actually a turning point for the outside and the inside, that is, how to deal with the issue of rich peasants. Before the implementation of the communist policy during the war, the relationship between the Bolsheviks and the rich peasants was still good, and the two sides lived in peace. However, with the comprehensive promotion of the surplus grain collection system, the rich peasants were the most miserable by this policy.

The poor peasants and the hiring of the peasant gods did not have any "surplus grain" at all. They were just throwing out the cans and had no feelings about the surplus grain collection system. However, middle peasants and rich peasants are different, and they are considered to be a bit surplus. As a result, the little food that was accumulated was easily accumulated before they could take a bite, and the Bolshevik grain collection team moved away with the warehouse.

In a sense, the surplus grain collection system is a robbery of middle peasants and rich peasants. In the lingo of the Bolsheviks, it is exploitation. Although under Li Xiaofeng's strong suggestion, the party made white strips for middle peasants and rich peasants who had been robbed of grain. But white strips cannot be eaten or drunk, and cannot be spent as money, so it is used for hair?

What's even more annoying is that the white note only says that the grain is borrowed, and it doesn't say when it will be returned. Who can bear this kind of borrowing method? Not to mention the Russian farmer who is as fierce as a polar bear, if you are a judge, you will have to explode.

Let me put it this way, starting from the winter of 1918, with the promotion of the surplus grain collection system, more and more middle-aged and rich peasants began to break out. Whether it was a rebellion or an uprising, it was called vigorous and vigorous.

Faced with the uncooperative attitude of the rich peasants, neither the mentor nor Trotsky wanted to go over and comfort him, because there was no way to comfort him. Without promoting the surplus grain collection system, there would be no food supply frontline. If the frontlines were not full, how could they suppress the bandits?

Comparing the White Bandits Army with the farmers holding wooden sticks, spears and dung forks, the mentors unanimously believed that the White Bandits Army was terrible, and they would resolve the main contradiction. The system of collecting surplus grains must be adhered to. As for the rebel farmers, they should be eliminated with the bourgeois lackeys!

So at the Eight National Congress, a resolution was made on the issue of rich peasants, that the Bolsheviks and the proletariat should rely on poor peasants and maintain a solid alliance with the middle peasants, and do their best to suppress the counter-revolutionary "absurds" of rich peasants!

It can be said that as soon as the eight majors were opened, the fate of the rich Russian peasants was determined. Either they endured "exploitation" and became like poor peasants, or they were finished in rebellion. They could only choose one of the two paths, and once they were selected, there was basically no chance of regret.

Apart from the turning point on the world revolution and the issue of rich peasants, there is not much worth mentioning in the Eight Great Congresses. The new Central Committee consists of 20 regular Central Committee members and 10 alternate Central Committee members. As mentioned earlier, a certain immortal was lucky enough to lift the rear of the car. The last one on the list of alternate Central Committee members was Andrei Petrovic. It is worth noting that one in front of a certain immortal was his friend Luzutak.

The self-taught worker leader entered the Central Committee one year earlier than in history. The price paid by the mentor was to allow Klestingsky to retain the seat of the official Central Committee. It has to be said that Klestingsky took a step wrong and almost wiped out. Not only did the Politburo not expect it, but he was also kicked out of the Central Committee.

On the list of the Central Committee members, there are two more people who need to be noted, one is the good man Kalinin, and the other is Kamenev, who was just released from the clutches of Kolchak. Comrade Stone, who was previously marginalized, returned to the central core with magical skills, which surprised countless people.

Let’s talk about Kalinin first. The good-looking comrade was robbed of the position of Secretary of the Party Committee of Petrograd by Klestinsky, so Trotsky had to agree to support him as a member of the Central Committee. According to Lao Tuo’s opinion, it’s no harm to become a member of the Central Committee. Anyway, it’s just a human-shaped stamp or a human-shaped voting device, which is not worth mentioning. Maybe this guy is just a one-year tour of the Central Committee. At the Ninth National Congress next year, this guy might get out of retirement.

But Lao Tuo never expected that Kalinin was a good old man. But a good old man does not mean he was a fool. Kalinin was not stupid at all, or was much more sober than an ordinary old revolutionary. His positioning of himself was quite accurate, and it was definitely impossible to compete for the core leadership of Shenma, which was overestimating one's own abilities and dying.

Kalinin's positioning himself is a follower of trends. He was quite optimistic about Lenin and saw through that the Trotskyist school was definitely not a match for the Lenin school. So he was impartial on the surface, but in fact he was towards the tutor. After Trotsky made a request for a deal to him, he immediately reported to the tutor.

At that time, Lenin's reply to him was: "Comrade Mikhail Ivanovich, you have accumulated enough local work experience, why don't the central government play a greater role?"

Not to mention the smart Kalinin, even a fool can tell what Lenin means. So he agreed to Trotsky's conditions and happily prepared to be a member of the Central Committee of the Eighth National Congress. But Kalinin never expected that Lenin would give him more than a Central Committee. In the newly elected Politburo of the Eighth National Congress, in addition to the five great elders who were unstoppable, Kalinin became one of the three second elders, that is, the alternate committee.

This is a triple jump. You should know that in the seventh National Congress, Kalinin was not even an alternate Central Committee member. He jumped into the second elder and was like a rocket-like rise. When the result came out, the good guy was shocked and he didn't believe it was true at all.

Another shocked person was Trotsky. As mentioned before, he thought Kalinin was a visit to the Central Committee for a year, and felt that the seat under the butt of the good man was just temporarily stored, and he could take it back a year later. Who would have thought that Lenin would suddenly push and turn the good man into a bureau committee member, even if he was just an alternate, he was still the highest leadership core.

Unless there is an unforgivable principled mistake in such a position, Kalinin can at least sit firmly on the throne of the Central Committee, or even on the throne of the alternate bureau. What is this?

Trotsky's overall arrangements were disrupted. Even with his support, Kamenev's return to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China failed to overshadow Kalinin's limelight. Why did Lao Tuo support Kamenev's return to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China?

The reason is very simple. After several confrontations in the previous period, Lao Tuo felt that he was weak and was often passive in the struggle with Lenin. If you want to change this situation, the best way is to find a partner who can cooperate with.

However, in 1919, there were not many friends who could cooperate with Trotsky. Sverdlov and Stalin didn't have to think about it, and there was no chance. The rest were Bukharin, Kamenev, Zinoviev and others.

There is no problem with the cooperation with Bukharin. Both sides originally had a very close view. If it weren't for the incident with the Brest contract, the Troubad Alliance would have been one. This time, Bukharin returned to the Central Committee. Not only did he gain the position of the Central Committee, but he also won a seat as the second elder, and he was considered the second-ranked figure in the Troubad faction.

So only the candidates who can cooperate are Zinoviev and Kamenev. Not to mention Zinoviev. A month ago, Klestinsky cursed Da Pingface in the newspaper, which was considered to be a death-related offense. Moreover, with the support of Lenin, Da Pingface also took the position of a second elder, and now he is "willingly" to work hard for the mentor. How can he be the old man?

After all the calculations, there was only a useless comrade Shi Tou. After thinking about it, Lao Tuo thought about it and thought that the next struggle would be quite fierce, and one point of strength would be considered a force. So Kamenev was also a salted fish and turned around and looked like a person again.

When the Eighth National Congress closed in mid-March, the new central pattern was basically formed, and the Politburo had no changes. No one could shake the status of the five great elders for the time being, and Lenin still had an absolute advantage. The situation in the Central Committee was relatively complicated. Although Lenin still had an advantage, Trotsky's revolutionary line was basically accepted, which invisibly weakened the control of the mentor.

As for several major departments of the central government, there have been some adjustments, and the most important personnel of the Central Organization Bureau changed. Or it was the front line for the direct confrontation between the tutor and Trotsky. The five members of the Organization Bureau, Beloborodov, Klestinsky, Sereblyakov, Stalin and Stasova, both sides were half-to-half, which was considered half-dozen. The tutor only had a little advantage in name, that was, Stasova served as the responsible secretary of the Central Committee (that was later the First Secretary and General Secretary).

Stasova had served as the responsible secretary once before, starting from April 1917. She was the "General Secretary" until she was taken over by Sverdlov in 1918. This time, Sir continued to serve as the chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union. She re-gived the "General Secretary" to Stasova.

Of course, the "General Secretary" of this year is not very meaningful. Everyone knows that there is only one leader of the Party, that is Lenin. As the chairman of the People's Committee, he is the supreme leader of the Party. Although Trotsky's upward trend is very fierce, it is impossible to replace the tutor for the time being.

In addition, under Trotsky's strong "suggestion", Lunacharsky was stuffed into the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and became the deputy secretary of the Commission for Discipline Inspection. It was not that Lao Tuo was worried about the iron-faced man, but that the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection was too powerful. If there was no one inside, it would be really hard to mess around.

It was not only the party organizations that made the comprehensive adjustments, but after the closing of the Eighth National Congress, the People's Committee also redistributed powers. Some institutions were adjusted, such as the Cheka.

Originally, as a special agency, Chika had too much power and could almost be said to be unregulated. Over the past year, there were a lot of problems. In order to better carry out anti-counterfeiting work, Chika also made adjustments. It was adjusted from a separate department to the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the People's Committee of the

At the same time, Derrensky stepped down as the People's Committee of the Internal Affairs Office and Likov took over his work. The Iron-faced man was able to concentrate on leading the work of the Discipline Inspection Commission and fully play the functions of the Discipline Inspection Commission.

Li Xiaofeng was naturally not very happy about this. Whoever was willing to be demoted to another level would be willing to take care of two more mother-in-laws on his head. Moreover, Likov, a guy with Bukharin, is Trotsky's best friend. What do you think this is called?

However, what made Li Xiaofeng even more puzzled was that he could not even save his position as Cheka. After a series of dazzling adjustments, Ulitski took over his position as Chairman Peter Grechka.

"Don't be impatient, don't be anxious!" Xiao Si smiled and comforted him, "Comrade Lenin has arrangements!"

Li Xiaofeng really wanted to know what arrangements were, but Xiao Si mysteriously refused to tell him, and probably the mentor would not let him suffer too much.

Sure enough, when Chika was incorporated by Trotsky, at the end of March, Comrade Lenin, Chairman of the People's Committee, suddenly publicly announced: "In order to safeguard the security of the Soviet Socialist Republic, and to comprehensively combat counter-revolutionaries, gangs and espionage activities at home and abroad, it is very necessary to establish a powerful security agency directly belonging to the People's Committee!"

Soon, at the strong request of Chairman Sverdlov, the Central Executive Committee of the All-Russian Soviet Union carefully discussed Lenin's request and made a decision to establish the National Political Security Bureau (Gebeu) which is directly responsible to the People's Committee!

Trotsky was stunned. He took a lot of effort to stuff Likov into the People's Committee of the Internal Affairs and put Chika in control. Who would have thought that in the blink of an eye, Lenin tricked into a National Political Security Bureau of Shenma. Moreover, this institution was not controlled by the People's Committee of the Internal Affairs and was directly responsible to the Chairman of the People's Committee.

Trotsky couldn't help but roar: "I'll fuck you, Lenin, you're playing with me!"

If the tutor heard Lao Tuo's roar, he would probably only smile contemptuously: "You are too young to play with me!"

Because the State Political Security Bureau is on the same level as the People's Committee of the Internal Affairs, it is a ministerial position. It is called the bureau in order to cover up the news. This is also a special arrangement by the tutor to allow Li Xiaofeng to take over this part successfully.

So, Li Xiaofeng, who had just lost his position as a Cheka and lost his newly established Central Security Bureau (Upgraded Edition of the Central Special Section), happily went to the National Political Security Bureau to take office with a few confidants.

PS: Bow to thank Comrade Xicheng, Comrade Juventus, Comrade Sweet Potato in the Guafield, and Comrade Polunzi!
Chapter completed!