Compared with the importance of the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee, Moscow Prefecture Chika is nothing. As another huge center of the revolution, as the new capital, the Party Committee has a great influence here.

Anyway, as long as Trosky's brain is not short-circuited, it would be no problem if he chooses between Moscow Chika and the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee. But now, the situation is very unfavorable for him, because he lost half a step to take the game before, and Lenin took the lead and started to make a fuss on the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee.

Perhaps in the eyes of ordinary people, just taking the lead is nothing. At least the Bolsheviks led by the collective are not successful by being the first to speak. Many comrades may think that what if they take the lead, Lenin could not block Trotsky's mouth and prevent him from speaking.

If Trotsky insists on his own position and strives to the end, he may not have failed to make a breakthrough in the issue of the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee. However, this idea is too naive. The first move Lenin won does not mean that he has the priority of speaking, but rather solid interests.

How to understand? Simply put, moving the capital to Moscow involves all aspects of interest relations. As the boss of major mountains in the party, they all want to share some benefits on this issue. Otherwise, the future work will not be easy to carry out.

However, the problem is that if the capital is moved to a city where all forces are very blank, then the work of distributing interests is easier to do. Everyone can sit down and discuss it slowly, and after bargaining, it will be finished if it is acceptable to all aspects.

But this is not the case in Moscow at all. As mentioned earlier, Moscow is the dominant Lenin faction. Perhaps there are sharp differences and struggles within them, but on the core issue of safeguarding the interests of the faction, the Lenin faction will definitely join forces to the outside world. In other words, the Moscow cake has its own main points, and not everyone can rush up and fork to taste the taste.

However, now that the capital is moving, no matter how strong the Lenin faction is, it must make some concessions. Why? The rules of the game determine that if a certain force is too strong, then other forces may choose not to play with you. Just like the table tennis ball in the harmonious country in later generations, after being too awesome, you have to find a way to cultivate your opponents, otherwise the game will not continue.

The Lenin faction is facing the same problem now. They have too much influence in Moscow. If part of it is not given up, then whether it is Trotsky, Bukharin, or other political forces, it is very likely that they will not play.

Now, the People's Committee and the Soviet regime are not supported by one Lenin faction, so it is inevitable that the Lenin faction will give up some of the political interests of Moscow Prefecture in exchange for other political forces to continue playing this game.

However, there is a saying about how much benefit is given and how to give up. The Leninists are definitely unwilling to give up the core interests easily. But even if you are too useless, don't try to get rid of old foxes like Trotsky, which is the core issue of the current debate.

It can be clearly seen from the previous confrontation. Lenin regarded Moscow Chika as an abandoned son who blocked Trotsky's mouth. Didn't you talk about this and attack from here? Then I will give you the Moscow Chika. But if you eat this piece, you can't think of the cake behind you!

Trotsky also knew very well that if he really ate the Moscow State Chika in one bite, he wouldn't be able to open his mouth any more. After all, the political interests that the Lenin faction could give up were limited, and being too greedy would probably lead to the siege of Lenin and other political forces. At that time, he would not lose the rice.

But the useless Chika of Moscow Prefecture is really not what Trotsky wants, so he made a clever exchange. Through the form of exchange, he made his behavior of eating Chika of Moscow Prefecture not seem too much, thus retaining the right to continue to divide the cake.

But as I said before, he suffered losses and took advantage of this aspect. Even if he could continue to share the subsequent cake, he could not go too far and he had to talk about a certain degree. At least in the eyes of others, I always took advantage of you. If it is not over yet, it will not work.

In other words, Trotsky must pay attention to the right attitude when grabbing cakes later and not be aggressive, which means he is a little timid and unable to let go. And this is the advantage of Lenin. The more you can't let go, the less blood I can be. Taking advantage of this opportunity, I will go directly to the topic and see how you grab it.

The facts have also proved that Trotsky was indeed quite uncomfortable. This degree of measure made him feel very uncomfortable, especially when Lenin was taking the iron to strike to help Mularov straight, he really couldn't and didn't have any good means to stop him, so he could only resist a little and find a reason that was not a reason to stop the car.

He said before that Mularov was not prepared enough and that he said that his decision was too hasty. This is really nonsense. How do you know that Mularov was not prepared enough? The fundamental reason is that you can't question Mularov's ability, you can only talk about the bullshit preparations!

Indeed, if Mularov was not a member of the Central Committee, the excuse Trotsky was looking for was definitely not that he was not prepared enough, but that he was not capable enough. But, Mularov was a genuine and old member of the Central Committee. To question the ability of a member of the Central Committee in front of the Central Committee, it was a bit nonsense, and even a bit of slapping the face and implicitly shooting. Maybe he would backfire. Therefore, Trotsky could only find such a far-fetched excuse, hoping to delay time, or use it to disrupt Lenin's rhythm.

Unfortunately, Lenin's rhythm was not so easy to disrupt. The mentor pushed Trotsky back in person: "Comrade Mularov's ability is unquestionable. During the October Revolution, he proved that he was trustworthy. In the very complicated situation at that time, he was able to adhere to principles well and actively promote the development of the revolution, which fully proved that he was reliable. An old comrade like him who had withstood the test of the revolution and was very reliable, was not mentally prepared for the responsibility of leading the Moscow Party Committee?"

Speaking of this, Lenin smiled slightly and said, "Besides, the issue of moving the capital has been conveyed to the Central Committee a long time ago, and it was a resolution formed after discussion by all the Central Committee members. Comrade Mularov had long been clear about this situation. If he felt that he was not prepared enough, he could completely reject this position! The current situation is that he did not refuse. He was still very confident. How could this be said to be completely unprepared?"

Trotsky was a little angry, but he couldn't refute it, and Lenin didn't finish his words, "As for the election of the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee, is a bit hasty, I think this issue is not worth discussing at all! The party committee of a state has not been fully discussed and studied. How could a random election of a comrade to lead them? The previous election results fully demonstrate that Comrade Mularov is deeply trusted by the comrades in Moscow, and the comrades all have confidence in him. Can't this explain the problem?"

"This only means that you take over the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee alone!" Trotsky complained in his heart, but every word of Lenin was reasonable and also reflected a kind of confidence. If he really had to fight hard without knowing how to fight hard, he would probably not be able to get it.

Fortunately, Trotsky also knew that it seemed unrealistic to ask Lenin to give up his advantages in the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee and let him hand over the position of Party Secretary. Even if he sacrificed his life, the Party Secretary could not fall into his hands. When he made a speech just now, he showed an attitude and sent a signal - he had to tell Lenin and other Central Committee members. Don’t think that a Moscow Prefecture Chika would send me away. This benefit is far from enough!

In other words, the reason why Trotsky quickly opposed it was to facilitate the first move in the next round to gain benefits.

Sure enough, after the Party Secretary successfully fell into Lenin's purse, Trotsky launched an attack on his truly favorite target.

"Since Comrade Mularov has already served as the Party Secretary of the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee, I think it is necessary for him to step down from the position of Chairman of the Moscow Prefecture Soviet, and let a comrade hold two important positions at the same time. The burden is too heavy and the responsibility is too great. Other comrades should share some work responsibilities for him, and it is not a good thing to be too concentrated!"

As Trotsky spoke, a group of Central Committee members immediately echoed that they had no thoughts about the Party Committee of the Moscow Prefecture, but they could not have been controlled by the two most important organs of the Moscow Prefecture.

Lenin had long expected such a situation. He did not intend to cover up the sky in Moscow Prefecture. Compared with the Moscow Prefecture Party Committee, the Moscow Prefecture Soviet is not that important, so it will be given up. Anyway, his troops in the Moscow Prefecture Soviet Executive Committee are still dominant. A mere Soviet president cannot change the overall situation.

After the two most important positions were divided by the Grand Tutor and the Second Tutor, other relatively minor positions would naturally not have fierce conflicts. Anyway, because of the equal interests, each hilltop has more or less designated a seat on the political map of Moscow. If nothing unexpected happens, the "spoil-sharing" conference will come to an end successfully.

At least that's what Trotsky thought. He felt that the benefits to be allocated had been allocated, and the next step was to do his part and move the capital quickly. Who would have thought that the second unexpected turn in this meeting would happen again.

Lenin had no intention of dispersing the meeting at all. Inadvertently, he suddenly put forward a major idea: "Under the current situation, there are two most important tasks of our party and government: one is to actively prepare to prevent foreign interference forces from uniting with domestic counter-revolutionary forces to set off a new reactionary climax. Our task is to defeat and eliminate them. This is the key to the life and death of our people's regime, and it is the top priority! The second is to quickly find ways to solve the increasingly severe domestic economic crisis, especially the imminent food crisis. If this problem cannot be solved successfully, I am afraid that our people's regime will not exist!"

Speaking of this, Lenin scanned the venue and said seriously and strongly: "These two problems are the core issues at present, and we must find a way to solve them. Now I want to hear everyone's opinions!"

Trotsky was a little dissatisfied with Lenin's sudden attack at the beginning, thinking that Lenin wanted to raise these two questions. He should have informed him in advance and prepare him. However, he thought later that it was not easy to gather the Central Committee members to hold a meeting, and Lenin himself did not make any shocking remarks just now. He seemed to just want to listen to the opinions of the Central Committee members, which was normal.

In fact, Trotsky has been considering these two issues. He has not had many ways to deal with the latter issue, and he cannot convert food into food. Moreover, someone has already been involved in this issue and has achieved certain results in preliminary results. It is not interesting to participate in it again. However, he has some insights into the previous issue:

"I think we need to make preparations for opposing interference from domestic and foreign forces," he immediately spoke. "On the one hand, we can actively communicate and negotiate through diplomatic channels, and resolve the crisis in a peaceful way as much as possible. But at the same time, we must speed up the armed Red Army. Without a strong armed force, we cannot defend our regime. And I have some immature opinions on how to establish a new armed force."

Lenin nodded and asked, "Tell me your opinion, as long as it is beneficial, comrades will adopt it!"

Trotsky cleared his throat and said confidently: "At present, the biggest problem we face in establishing the Red Army is not the problem of the source of troops. Our working class actively supports our regime. They are full of enthusiasm for defending the people's regime. But war is not something that can be solved by just a large number of people and passion. At present, the main problem facing the newly formed Red Army and the Red Army under construction is the shortcomings of officers!"

Trotsky took a deep breath and said helplessly: "After my understanding, our Red Army lacks qualified military commanders, whether high-level, intermediate or low-level. This makes our Red Army's combat effectiveness very worrying. In a sense, it is simply a mess!"

Lenin also showed a sense of worry on his face. Li Xiaofeng had warned him before and had thought of certain ways to solve this problem, such as the crash course of the political commissar. But to be honest, even if it was the crash course, the time was too short. In just a few months, the crash course of the trained political commissar was not enough to solve the problem of the lack of Red Army officers. When the civil war was imminent, it seemed that it was unrealistic to put all hope in the crash course.

Lenin asked: "So, Comrade Trotsky, do you have a solution to this problem?"

Trotsky was like this sentence, "I think it is unrealistic to expect to train a group of new proletarian officers through assault training in a short period of time. For the sake of the present, we can only make full use of the legacy of the former Tsarist Russian army and select a group of old officers to lead our Red Army..."

Stalin interrupted Trotsky without waiting for Trotsky to finish his words: "Comrade Trotsky, I completely disagree with your opinion. Your approach is equivalent to giving our Red Army to the old soldiers, to the Social Revolutionary Party and the Cadet Party... If those old officers are allowed to lead our Red Army, it is equivalent to giving our enemies full of ammunition to kill us with the weapons we have made!"

Trotsky seemed to have expected this situation to happen. He had long thought of a way to avoid this problem. He said earnestly: "Comrade Joseph, the situation you said is indeed worthy of vigilance. However, we cannot generalize. There are also a group of officers with new ideas in the old army. All we need to do is to identify them. We can even strengthen ideological work and let some old officers with higher awareness slowly wake up!"

However, Stalin's stubbornness far exceeded Trotsky's expectations. Steel completely scoffed at Trotsky's statement: "I can only say that such an idea is very naive. The barriers between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie are like natural barriers. How can it be possible to transform them by relying solely on ideological work? What's more, is the identification work foolproof? What if the disguised enemy is infiltrated?"

Speaking of this, Stalin waved his hand suddenly and said firmly: "I think the bourgeoisie is completely untrustworthy, and our revolution can only be achieved through the efforts of the proletariat. The problem of officers is not a problem at all. The great proletariat is good at learning. In battle, they will grow rapidly and soon they will be fully qualified for military command! And all we need to do is to trust them completely, unconditionally, fully!"

"This is simply nonsense!" Trotsky was a little annoyed. In his opinion, Stalin was simply talking in his sleep. If war was so simple, if it was treated as a joke, he would definitely suffer a great loss!

He asked angrily: "Comrade Joseph, do you know how terrible the proletariat will pay for the war? The power of the Russian proletariat is precious and cannot be squandered at will. We must cherish it. If casualties can be reduced, why don't we do it?"

Who would have thought that Stalin was completely indifferent, and even mocked Trotsky: "We do need to cherish the power of the proletariat, but will the old officers, those bourgeois lackeys cherish the revolutionary power of the proletariat? I doubt this. In this world war, it is these people you mentioned that have made the Russian proletariat pay a heavy price. Continuing to let them command our Red Army is the revolutionary power of the proletariat not cherishing the revolutionary power of the proletariat and committing crimes!"

PS: Bow and thank you Brother Liao!
Chapter completed!