Derrensky immediately retorted: "This approach is inappropriate! Regardless of the list,

Is Comrade Ning’s opinion correct? We have no right to not publish “Letter from afar”. It is not only disrespect for Comrade Lenin, nor can we fundamentally eliminate the debate. My opinion is…”

Before Derrensky finished speaking, Kamenev could not help it. He retorted in an obvious annoyed tone: "Comrade Felix Edmundovitch, we have just stabilized the workers' impetuousness and brought things back on track. At this time, publishing "Letters from afar" will only make them have wrong ideas. Comrade Lenin is not in the country and does not know the sinister situation. Are you not in the country either? Your idea is extremely naive!"

Derzhinsky was much more fixed than Kamenev eggs, and he seemed to be unable to see any anger, and he was still so serious: "Of course I understand your concerns, but I must also remind you that whether it is the "Letter from afar" or the "Telecommunication to the Bolsheviks who set off for the return of their country" has been published in foreign newspapers. We can only cover it for a while but not for a lifetime! And if Pravda refuses to publish articles of our Bolshevik leaders, what kind of misunderstanding will this cause? What kind of thoughts will the following comrades have? My opinion is..."

"This is also an important reason why I disagree with the publication!" Kamenev seemed increasingly impatient. "Comrade Lenin's two things are the product of recklessness and impatience. Comrade Lenin was infected by the victory passion of the February Revolution and was a temporary reckless move! When he calmed down, he would definitely take back this unrealistic idea. It was because of his responsibility for Comrade Lenin's reputation that we could not publish such things!"

In a sense, Kamenev's starting point is indeed to be responsible for Lenin's reputation and cannot bear to watch his mentors and leaders make mistakes. However, there is a premise for this starting point, that is, Kamenev is right, but is he right?

People have different opinions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Western countries almost agreed that whether it was Lenin or Trotsky's proposals were too impatient, Russia at that time had a more realistic, gentler, and more conscientious choice. However, why did the more realistic, gentler, and more conscientious people not succeed? The reason is simple, these grandsons are really a group of stupid cowards.

It was not how powerful the Bolsheviks were to seize the regime, but that these grandsons were really incompetent and self-inflicted. After the February Revolution, the two regimes joined hands. In terms of situation, the Soviet executive committee members were willing to support the Provisional Government, but the Provisional Government repeatedly lost points on key issues. From the April crisis to the first coalition government, to the July crisis, within nine months, the Provisional Government always gave wrong answers to the most critical issues.

The April crisis, the first coalition government to the July crisis, the market of the provisional government has been falling all the way, from the beginning to the vast majority of the Soviets to the end being abandoned by the Soviets. It is not the Bolsheviks, but how powerful the Menshevik Unionist faction and the Social Revolutionary Party Left are, even if it is strong, it is caused by the Provisional Government itself. It is normal for a person to play a bad game one or two times, but every step he takes is a bad game. So what other explanation is there besides saying that one can perish?

It was the Provisional Government that played bad chess again and again that led to the reshuffle of the Soviet power. The centrists and conservatives who supported them were elected from the Soviets little by little. In the end, they were not convinced, saying that the people were bewitched. It was not that they were incompetent but that their opponents were too evil. This excuse would be found by every loser, but it had no meaning. It can only be said that history gave the Provisional Government a chance to act as a savior, but not only did he not cherish it, but he insisted on crying and calling for villains. Why should God stop him if he wanted to die?

At the crossroads of history, Kamenev chose a path that he thought was right but was actually completely wrong, and went all the way to the dark. Like the Provisional Government, he made a wrong choice every time. Fortunately, his teacher Lenin pulled it back again and again, trusting him as always, defending him, and being a teacher was already a kind and righteous person. But if the teacher didn't punish him, it would not mean that he would be lucky forever. A few years later, his classmate Stalin caught the mistake he made in 1917 and calculated the total account, although the latter did not perform better than Kamenev in 1917.

Of course these are later things, and there is no need to mention them for the time being. As long as you know that Kamenev is now smart and thinks that his favorite student can correct the teacher's mistakes, can set up his own business and prepare to fight with the teacher.

Because of pride, he was complacent. This is Kamenev's mentality and an important reason for his future grief. However, Derzhinsky, who stood opposite him, was not such a person. His pride and complacent emotions were completely inseparable from him. Compared with Kamenev, who called himself a stone, Derzhinsky was more like a real revolutionary stone. He had a deeper understanding of Lenin's power, Lenin's personal charm, and Lenin's superb political skills than a disciple of the emperor.

When the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were not separated, and when the party was still called the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, Lenin fought with old men like Plekhanov, Martov and Tangen many times, tossing one party into two parties, and putting the opponents as a minority. How could such masters be dealt with by the academic Kamenev?

Of course, Derzhinsky was not so arrogant that he thought he could fight with Lenin. He had no intention of fighting against the other side at all. That was meaningless and would only split the party again, so he stopped Kamenev's extremely naive suicide provocation.

"Comrade Lenin is definitely not an impulsive person. He has always had a vision of the revolutionary path. "Letter from afar" is by no means an impulse. I think this is the conclusion drawn by Comrade Lenin after deep thought. Although we cannot agree with this conclusion for the time being, this conclusion is completely worth discussing. It is necessary for comrades in the party to look at it and think about it. My opinion is..."

But Kamenev could not understand Derrensky's painstaking efforts and interrupted his speech for the third time: "I still don't agree!"

Derrensky was unhappy about this. It was not a polite thing to interrupt others' speeches, not to mention that he was still a senior member of the party. What qualifications do you have to prevent me from speaking? Of course, if you are dissatisfied, according to Derrensky's principles of doing things, you will never hate Kamenev for this. He is not the kind of person who takes revenge on his own, and as an old revolutionary, he still has this measure.

"Comrade Kamenev, please pay attention! Pravda is a central publication of the Party and represents the entire opinion of the Party!"

Derrensky's words are a bit heavy, and not making it clear is equivalent to making it clear. He is almost saying directly: Kamenev, wake up! Pravda is not your one-man show!

Kamenev naturally would not have any good face in this regard: "The opinions within the party are now unified, and I do not think that Comrade Lenin's opinions are correct!"

Derrensky was really angry. Kamenev, are you planning to pretend to be stupid with me. After healing the scar, you forgot to hurt? Did you forget it just now when you were protested?

"The opinions within the party are far from unification!" He spoke with a stern face, "The workers and us still have great differences. And according to the resolution of the Party Congress yesterday, we must publish an article representing the voice of the workers, and Comrade Lenin's "Letter from afar" is of representative significance!"

"I definitely don't agree to the publication!"

The more the two of them talked, the more they became more and more irritating. Both sides were extremely tough, and it seemed that they would directly evolve into a real-person PK in the next second. Fortunately, there were more than two of them in the editorial department. Although the soy sauce group could not influence the tendency of Pravda, they even helped and mixed together. It was because these two people had too high identities. The only person present who was qualified to interfere is Stalin, who had always acted as a mascot after returning to Petrograd.

It seems not very kind to say that Comrade Iron is a mascot, but to be honest, he plays a role in the party as well as a mascot. Unlike Derzhinsky and Kamenev, Stalin rarely goes to the grassroots to make speeches, and rarely makes comments in newspapers. Most of the time, he sits alone in the corner with his pipe in his mouth. If he hadn't been given the title of a member of the Central Committee, he would have been almost forgotten.

In fact, it was forgotten. In Pravda, some people asked Kamenev for advice, and some people asked Derrensky for instructions, but only few people looked for Stalin. Everyone did not pay any attention to this Georgian who was used to silence. If the two big guys were not going to break up, they would not have thought that there was another Central Committee member here.

"My opinion?" Stalin was almost a little stupid with his pipe in his mouth. He was used to being a background board, and he was not stupid. He knew that the current conflict was not easy to mediate. Although he was following Kamenev, he did not dare to offend Derrensky. What's more, Kamenev was against Lenin. Even if he had similar ideas to Kamenev, he would not dare to do anything randomly. This impact was really too great.

After a long silence, just when Kamenev began to regret letting Stalin express his opinion, Comrade Steel finally took off his pipe and spoke: "I think it is inappropriate not to publish Comrade Lenin's "Letter from afar..."

Kamenev was so angry that he died of anger that he had turned pale, as if he was brewing a storm. Fortunately, Stalin only said half of this, and immediately he changed his tone: "But the rash publication of "Letter from a Distant" is not easy to say. My opinion is part of it, first publish part... and then publish part..."
Chapter completed!