After completely sealing the plague umbrella, Li Xiaofeng hurriedly left the secret hiding point of the Eye of God organization. It was not that he forgot his promise. Someone's reputation has never been a problem. It was really a spitting one nail, a carrot and a pit. The main reason for leaving so quickly is that this guy has other and more important things.

On July 25, according to the plan of Lenin and Trotsky, the Bolshevik National Congress will be held the next day to discuss the merger of the two parties and the key issues in the current revolution. This conference is very important. As the executive deputy section chief of the Central Special Section, Li Xiaofeng not only has to shoulder the security and protection of the conference, but more importantly, this guy was elected as one of the national party members because of his extraordinary work performance in the previous period.

Compared with the situation at the April representative meeting, someone's situation was almost in heaven and underground. In April, Lenin's route had not been widely recognized. If he had not arranged Kamenev and Zinoviev to work together, the mentor would have not been so easy to unify his thoughts at that time.

At that time, a certain immortal was really diligent and walking on thin ice. Now, with the absolute establishment of the position of the mentor in the party, as the armed struggle line was widely recognized by party members across the country, and with the outstanding performance of a certain immortal in this month, he has now replaced the cannon with a bird gun.

As Lenin's confidant, although he was young and had little qualifications, no one dared to underestimate someone's energy and was elected as a party representative, which indirectly shows that someone has begun to gradually enter the core of power of the Bolsheviks.

Someone couldn't help but feel a little regretful when he was excited. Yes, because of the district alliance, although there were a little more representatives participating in this National Congress than the last time, there were only a limited number of them, and there were only 172 people in total. Compared with the thousands of national representatives in later generations, this person was the level of the Central Committee in later generations.

These 172 people represent 162 grassroots party organizations in Russia and 240,000 party members. Among them, there are old revolutionaries who have been tested in the revolution and were exiled, imprisoned and hard labor. Among them, 25% of them participated in the revolution before 1905.

It is quite alternative to sitting in this group at the age of a certain immortal, and this guy is not satisfied with it. At the beginning, this guy planned to enter the Central Committee for himself, preparing to get an alternate Central Committee for the title of member. However, Lenin's words dispelled his ambitions: "You are still young, and it is not appropriate to enter the Central Committee for this time. It is better to calm down and continue to study and practice!"

Even the tutor clearly did not support him in the Central Committee, which hit someone very much. But since this was the opinion of the tutor, he could only accept it. The conference started on July 26th and ended on August 3rd. The tutor did not attend the meeting in person because the enemy was crazy searching and destruction. At this moment, the tutor was not suitable to return to Petrograd. Trotsky was also absent. Lao Tor and the tutor were in similar situations and were both people who could not show their heads.

In fact, the entire meeting was not very smooth. Due to the enemy's destruction, three meeting sites were changed in total. While avoiding the police, military police and spys, they were secretly held the meeting. Several times they were almost blocked by the police.

Of course, although Lenin was unable to attend the meeting for some reason, he was still unanimously elected as the honorary chairman of the conference by all representatives. In fact, Sverdlov was the one who presided over the conference and Stalin, who assisted him in carrying out his work.

Yaroslavsky, the party representative who attended the conference later recalled: "Although Comrade Lenin did not attend the conference, he said under certain conditions that he led the conference through Sverdlov and Comrade Stalin and indirectly participated in the work of the conference. Many important documents were adopted with the participation and consent of Comrade Lenin."

Another representative who attended the meeting, Shotmann pointed out directly that every one or two days, the representatives had to go to Finland to meet with Lenin and consult his opinions on specific issues.

Well, seeing this. As long as you are not a fool, you will understand. Although Lenin did not attend the meeting, it can be said that every issue in the meeting was under his remote control and intervention. Anyone who tried to make trouble with him should not expect to take advantage of the loopholes.

Are there any people who make trouble? The answer is yes, so there is no need to say much about Kamenev and Zinoviev. This time, they have been sing a counter-tune with their mentors for the second time. This time they have joined forces with the tragic ravaged Nogen to form an alliance to fight with their mentors. Of course, the strength levels of both sides are not at the same level at all, and the three men are purely looking for abuse.

As the conference opened, the three goods once again threw out the question of whether Lenin should go to the court to defend himself. It should be said that their idea is good. Although the Central Committee denied this proposal, party representatives from all over the country may not know the truth, and they may be deceived.

Not to mention, at first, there were some very stupid and naive representatives who were confused by the tricks of these three goods, thinking that as these three goods said, the trial of Lenin could be transformed into a trial of Kerensky, the Provisional Government, and the Soviets.

But Sverdlov once again showed definite evidence, and under Stalin's strong opposition and Derzhinsky's angrily rebuked, this non-mainstream opinion quickly disappeared, and no more waves were made during the entire meeting.

It seemed that he was preparing to beat the dog in the water, Derrensky expressed his clear and toughness to make the matter come to a certain conclusion, that is, the opinions of comrade Lenin not to appear in court were fair and the lies of the Provisional Government and capitalists could not be believed.

Orzoneniki was very excited about this conclusion and roared hysterically in the venue: "Comrade Lenin should not be handed over no matter what. This is destroying the revolution and destroying the party. Whoever does this is an absolute sinner!"

The General Assembly rejected this ridiculous proposal with an absolute majority, and in the next few days, it passed the Central Committee's report on organizational and financial work since April, as well as the political situation report. It once again determined the necessity and necessity of the line of armed struggle proposed by Lenin.

Of course, these are actually all pediatrics. The real highlight is the merger of the Bolsheviks and the Counter League faction. This proposal has been questioned. However, with the strong promotion and continuous efforts of Lenin and Trotsky, the proposal was naturally passed.

Finally, the Congress elected a new Central Committee. It should be said that compared with the Central Committee members who could count both hands in the previous session, this time the Central Committee expanded dramatically, with as many as twenty Central Committee members and ten alternate members. These thirty people formed the new Bolshevik central power core.

Of course, compared with this list of thirty people, another list of seven people is more eye-catching. The new Central Committee elected the Central Political Bureau, consisting of Lenin, Trotsky, Sverdlov, Stalin, Derrensky, Shao Mianwu and Ulitsky Politburo members.

Looking at these two lists, Li Xiaofeng couldn't help but compare with the list in history. It should be said that because of his appearance, there are quite a difference. Kamenev and Zinoviev, who were originally elected as members of the Central Committee, only got an alternate membership. As for the more tragic Nogen, this time, there was nothing completely. Of course, the Central Committee, the Politburo, which appeared in advance, had epoch-making significance. The era of the seven elders unifying the country has arrived.

Li Xiaofeng thought about it in his mind. After this power reshuffle, the Bolsheviks would enter a period of rapid development. It would not be broken until the overall framework of power in 1921. At that time, the period of political struggle in Soviet history will usher in. If we cannot get into the central committee before this, we will not be able to cut a piece of the political cake. The next ten years will be destined to be mediocre, and we may die without a place to bury it.

Of course, there are still a few years before 1921, and with Li Xiaofeng's current state, it should not be a particularly difficult thing to get into the Central Committee. Even if someone saves the tutor and enters the Central Committee later, it is not a bad thing for the committee member to get into the Central Committee.

Thinking of this, someone relaxed for a while. He observed the battles of all the big guys on the stage with a mentality of watching the show. What? You said that the conference had reached an agreement on related issues, and there was nothing to fight for?

This is a big mistake. Where there are people, there will be a world of martial arts, and where there are worlds, there will be no need to avoid struggles. What's more, the Lenin factions and the Trotsky factions who have just reached an agreement are not completely consistent in some issues. Whether for details or for the division of power, they must have a open and secret struggle.

The first question that broke out was about the socialist revolution. Trotsky, the representative of the alternate Central Committee, who took the lead, fired the first shot. The Trotsky believed that the time for carrying out the socialist revolution in Russia today was not ripe and it was not advisable to act recklessly. Only when the socialist revolution broke out in developed capitalist countries in Western Europe could Russia follow up.

Naturally, the Leninists would not agree with this. Sverdlov refuted this opinion and expressed his own opinion on behalf of the mentor - it is very likely. Russia is the key to opening the door to socialist revolution... It must abandon the obscene concept that Western European powers can only show us the path. There are dogmatic MARXism and creative MARXism, and I am the latter!

It seems that this is another politic struggle, but in fact the core is the dominant struggle. Lenin and Trotsky are both mentors of the revolution. But mentors must also be ranked in size. In the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, Trotsky only has Ulitsky as one ally, and only two votes. Faced with Lenin's overwhelming advantage, he must show his existence. So it is very normal to pick some sensitive but not important issues.

The attitude of Bukharin, who jumped out to speak, was very ambiguous. He was defeated by the Central Committee and the member, seemed to have to make his own voice. He supported Trotsky's international socialist revolutionary line. In terms of the farmers' demands for land, one of the three most urgent issues in Russia today, he opposed the immediate re-division of the country's land.

Bukharin believed that Russian peasants had a natural nationalist sentiment, and believed that their demands on land might make them stand with the provisional government and the bourgeoisie, and they would support the war against Germany. Bukharin even asserted that if the land requirements of the peasants were met, they would only care about their own acre and three-part land and would no longer have the intention to continue the revolution.

Bukharin believes that the only working class in the world who truly opposes this imperialist war is the working class, and the working class in the world is a family. In developed industrial countries in Western Europe, the power of the working class is ten times stronger than that of Russia, and the way out of the socialist revolution can only lie with them. Therefore, the international socialist revolution is the only way out.

In Li Xiaofeng's view, Bukharin's opinion is basically an affirmation of Trotsky, which is almost a replica of Lao Tor's theory of continuous revolution. On the issue of whom to make a revolution, Li Xiaofeng felt that Trotsky was too narrow. Whether it was the Russian revolution or the later China's new democratic revolution, they revealed a fact that the power of peasants' brothers is indeed strong. For thousands of years, their desire for land has enabled them to pay any price for land, even if they sacrifice their lives.

So what Bukharin was worried about could not be realized at all. The Russian deformed capitalists controlled all Russian production resources. For them, it was impossible to give the land to the peasants. Therefore, the relationship between peasants and the bourgeoisie was as Stalin discussed at this meeting. There were all kinds of peasants, and those who supported the imperialist bourgeoisie were only wealthy peasants and small landlords, while the poor peasants in the lower class were reliable allies of the proletariat. They would definitely support the working class in their struggle for the victory of the revolution.

After a lot of verbal confrontation, the proposals of Preoprajnsky and Bukharin were rejected, and the Lenin faction won a great victory. However, in Li Xiaofeng's view, this matter was actually a seed, and the conflict between Trotsky and Lenin. Or in the future, the conflict between Trotsky and Stalin has been buried at this moment. As long as there is a suitable soil, the conflict will inevitably break out at a certain moment.

In addition to this dispute over the line of the future revolution, the Congress revised the Party Constitution after fierce debates or quarrels, emphasizing that party organizations at all levels must be based on democratic centralism and made new supplements to the conditions and procedures for joining the Party - emphasizing that only those who recognize the Party’s program, join a party organization, unconditionally obey all the Party’s resolutions, and pay party dues can be regarded as party members.

One of the most important points is unconditional obedience to all the party’s resolutions. This article is not only not in the old party constitution, but also not in the draft this time. It was specially supplemented after discussions at the conference. As for who this article is targeted, it is naturally self-evident.

Li Xiaofeng has no meaning for all this. Every time at a critical moment, Kamenev and Zinoviev always jump out and drag their feet, once, twice, three times, and each time it is very unpleasant. It is also a waste of precious time. It is time to put a shackle on these two grandchildren, and they will make trouble or not accept the party’s resolutions in the future. Then just use the party’s discipline to deal with them. If they should be warned, they will be expelled.

It should be said that the resolution formed by the conference had no direct relationship with Li Xiaofeng. It was not until the resolution on the Youth League was submitted for discussion that the sleepy person became energetic. The conference passed a special resolution on the Youth League, and Stalin stepped down as the first secretary, and the work of the Youth League was replaced by a certain immortal. As for the clichés and empty words that followed, Li Xiaofeng was not very interested. What he cared about was what the mentor suddenly corrected himself.

"This is Comrade Lenin's affirmation of you!" Sverdlov smiled and answered someone's doubts. "Andre, you performed very well in your previous work. Whether it is Comrade Lenin or the Party Central Committee, you are very satisfied with your performance. We are very relieved to hand over the youth work to you!"

Li Xiaofeng smiled. He fully understood what Sverdlov meant. It was nothing more than a disguised compensation from the mentor to him. It was more than enough to be an alternate member of the Central Committee with his contributions, and it was not an exaggeration to change to the Central Committee. But his age and qualifications are really that great, so it is difficult for the mentor to open this opportunity.

However, not rewarding merits is not a way to control the inferior, so the mentor can only use different ways to compensate someone. Although the first secretary of the Youth League is also quite dazzling, it is only the Youth League after all, and it is appropriate to host youth work at someone's age. Others can't blame anything even if they want to be crooked.

Sverdlov patted Li Xiaofeng on the shoulder and said earnestly: "Andre, Comrade Lenin attaches great importance to you, you must not let him down!"

In fact, Svelfederov didn't need to remind him, and Li Xiaofeng also knew what to do. He nodded solemnly and promised: "I will definitely preside over the work of the Youth League, so that the vast number of progressive young people can unite around the party, and let the young people make greater contributions to the revolution!"

Li Xiaofeng felt that his scene was already very beautiful, but he failed to welcome Sverdlov's cheers. Comrade Xiaosi even shook his head and whispered: "Although youth work is important, Andre, I must remind you that your work focus must not be there! What Comrade Lenin really needs is your special science and the Red Eagle Group, which should be the direction for you to show your strengths!"

Li Xiaofeng finally understood what Sverdlov meant. Comrade Xiaosi was reminding him that the first secretary of the Youth League was just a false reputation, just a rabbit on New Year's Eve. If you have it for the New Year, you still have it without it. You must not be irrelevant. It is not worth delaying your bright future for a rabbit.

After sending Sverdlov away with great gratitude, Li Xiaofeng felt very moved. He was still too immature in political matters. There were ten thousand ways for the mentor to compensate him. He didn't give him a useless first secretary of the Communist Youth League Central Committee. Moreover, with the mentor's temper, he was more likely to worry that he was so beautiful, so it was correct not to compensate him.
Chapter completed!