Trotsky was in a heavy mood. Through his communication with Vasilevsky, he came to a conclusion that Tukhachevsky's current situation is not good!

This kind of bad is not only military. For example, Huasilevsky believes that the combat plan formulated by the General Staff has great problems and the risks are quite large. I won’t explain the specific reasons in detail. Anyway, with Trotsky’s wisdom, he can see that what Huasilevsky said is true, and Tukhachevsky’s approach is indeed inappropriate.

But what made Trotsky feel was that even if he knew it was not right at this time, it would be too late. Even if he did not take care of Tukhachevsky's feelings and did not maintain his authority, he would have to fire the arrow on the string!

What Trotsky was really worried about was not whether Tukhachevsky could succeed. To be honest, Lao Tro was already a little desperate about Tukhachevsky and a little bit of a loss. Even if Tukhachevsky lost the battle again, Trotsky would not be too surprised because he was mentally prepared.

What really made Trotsky anxious was that Tukhachevsky's popularity, yes, even when people like Huasilevsky who had just received the favor of Tukhachevsky had to come forward to give their opinions, how low did this popularity and prestige have been?

To be honest, Trotsky's demands for Tukhachevsky have now been much lowered, from the original expectation that Tukhachevsky would serve as a pillar of the Trotskyist in the military to a transitional candidate who temporarily maintains the influence of the military.

Lao Tuo’s requirements are not high. As long as Tukhachevsky doesn’t lose his chains and does not make any trouble, he will help the Trotsay stand up for one or two years, giving the Trotsay a chance to grow in the military. Lao Tuo really has this only requirement.

But just now, Trotsky saw the worst possibility from Huasilevsky. Tukhachevsky could no longer hold on and could collapse at any time. Otherwise, a lieutenant general like Huasilevsky who had no record and no qualifications would dare to speak so boldly? Obviously, Huasilevsky really couldn't stand it anymore and had to risk his life to speak out!

Trotsky knew very well what this meant, that was the prelude to the fallen money in the tree and scattered. In fact, this prelude had already been played and was about to enter **!

It's so scary! A decision has to be made!

Trotsky knew he had to do something. If he let Tukhachevsky continue to do this, that guy would never be able to make it through the first half of 1942, and even if Kiev cleared the battle, it would be a little bit of a mistake. The anti-Tukhachevsky forces within the army could uproot him and the Trotsky faction in the military!

Trotsky wanted to chat with Tukhachevsky at the first time. He wanted to persuade the increasingly stubborn marshal to turn around quickly. However, when his hand had just picked up the receiver, Trotsky suddenly put it down again.

Because Trotsky realized that if Tukhachevsky could listen to advice, he would not be the red Napoleon. Obviously, no matter whether it was Tukhachevsky's pride or his persistence, it would be impossible for the prodigal son to turn back.

And what makes Trotsky feel the most sad is that even if Tukhachevsky wants the prodigal son to turn back, it is too late. How can he change it by saying that he can change it? And even if Tukhachevsky changes, can he maintain his current status?

Trotsky knew that this was impossible. Even if Tukhachevsky wanted the prodigal son to turn back, then he had to pay for the previous mistakes. If he didn't pay, there would be no way to correct them, and those who opposed him would not let him go. But once Tukhachevsky admitted his mistake, would he still have the face to stay in the Military Commission and serve as the Chief of Staff?

Obviously it is impossible, so the result is destined. Tukhachevsky is finished. Everything he does is dying. The difference is how long he can struggle. If Kiev performs well in the rescue battle, Tukhachevsky will be able to survive the Minsk counterattack. The Minsk counterattack can only ensure that he can still serve as the Chief of Staff in 1942.

However, judging from the current situation, it is not so easy to pass the Kiev rescue war. Once there is a mistake, Tukhachevsky can only leave the office and step down in disgrace. He found a corner to write his memoir.

Trotsky gave up calling Tukhachevsky because it made no sense. He called Triandafilov instead: "My request is that the Central Military Region of Moscow must do his best to ensure the implementation of this battle. No matter what difficulties it is, it must be overcome. Every command of Comrade Mikhail must be thoroughly implemented, otherwise I will seriously hold the leadership accountable. If it is the responsibility of the Military Region Command, then take the military region command and remove his position. Anyway, no matter who is responsible, I must hold him to the end!"

When Triandafilov put down the phone, his face turned pale. He was a little confused. Why did Trotsky suddenly put such great pressure on him? This was simply a perseverance to support Tukhachevsky. Why? Lao Toh did not have this attitude before. If he really trusted Tukhachevsky as he used to, there would be no need to come to Smolensk.

Trotsky's meaning is very simple. He wants to use his authority to help Tukhachevsky realize all the battle ideas and give Tukhachevsky the greatest support. But this does not mean that he fully believes that Tukhachevsky will succeed, but prepares for the potential dangers in the future.

In the previous battles, didn’t Tukhachevsky always complain that the order was not implemented? Then I, Trotsky, will fully satisfy you and all your requirements. If you, Tukhachevsky, cannot achieve the ideal result, then there is nothing to say, right?

Let me put it this way, Trotsky's strong support for Tukhachevsky this time is not only the end of kindness and righteousness, but also the last death talisman for Tukhachevsky.

If the most unsatisfactory situation occurs, Trotsky will no longer have any warmth. At that time, in order to maintain the Trotsky's power in the military, he would not hesitate to take Tukhachevsky to attack him and use him as a scapegoat. It is even ruled out that he would be punished by Tukhachevsky to divide and please the opposition.

In short, this time, Tukhachevsky was quite dangerous!

To be honest, Trotsky didn't want to do this, but reality forced him to do this. The only thing he could do was to silently say sorry to Tukhachevsky in his heart when that scene happened!

This is politics. He always only looks at the result but not the process. So what if he was once loving, it is really vulnerable in the face of pure interests. But for such a big thing, Trotsky naturally could not make a decision alone, even if he was the leader of the Trotskyist brother. He had to listen to his brothers' opinions, or he had to give him an excuse to be able to live up to his own way.

After all, in the past twenty years, the Trotskyist has devoted a lot of effort to Tukhachevsky. If he gives up, it is inevitable that some people will not understand it. Some people will strongly oppose it because of the interests. What Trotsky has to do now is to straighten out these relationships.

What is more interesting is that at the highest level of the Trotskyist party, that is, the Politburo member level, neither Ulitsky nor Radic, opposed Trotsky's proposal, and even believed that he should have given up the scoundrel. It has to be said that Tukhachevsky was really doing a tragic situation, and he couldn't even hold on to the top of his own, and he really failed.

On the contrary, the middle-level Trotsky also supported Tukhachevsky. Many people still missed the glory of the Red Napoleon in the past, believing that the superiors should not cross the car and break the bridge. Of course, this group of people was not really nostalgic. But because most of these people were military direct troops promoted by Tukhachevsky. As the saying goes, if Tukhachevsky dies, it will affect their future.

Therefore, the idea of ​​this group of people is that they hope that Tukhachevsky will continue to persevere for a while and give them some time to climb up. I have to say that Tukhachevsky is really a tragedy, and there are very few people who really care about him and have the same heart as him.

So how did Trotsky solve these opposition forces? It's very simple, thank you. Lao Tro promised that Tukhachevsky would not fall immediately, and would leave them a buffer time, and would arrange more opportunities for them during this period.

In an instant, Tukhachevsky's last supporter was also dealt with. Sadly, Tukhachevsky didn't know that his fate had been decided. He was still stupidly supervising the battle, full of fantasy about turning the tables.

But this does not mean that all the problems have been solved. In fact, Trotsky faces one of the biggest problems: "Who will fill the vacancy left by Mikhail?"

Yes, it is easy to abandon Tukhachevsky, but who can stand up to the vacancy of Tukhachevsky? The Trotskyists cannot give up their army. If they do not want to be completely wiped out by the Leninists, they must find a spokesperson in the military.

Trotsky said slowly and vigorously: "I think Comrade Alexander Mikhailovich Wasilevsky is good!"

To be honest, Ulitsky and Radick didn't know who Huasilevsky was. He was a mere lieutenant general and a newly promoted lieutenant general, and his presence was too low! What's more important is that this lieutenant general didn't have much experience before, had never participated in the Battle of the Halaha River, had never participated in the Spanish Civil War, had never participated in the Zhanggufeng conflict, and even after the outbreak of the Patriotic War, he had been playing soy sauce in the General Staff. I'll let me go, can such a person be the banner of the Trotskyists?

Ulitsky and Radic were both stupid and unanimously believed that Trotsky was in a hurry to seek medical treatment. Although our Trotsky was weak in the military, he could not give up. Tukhachevsky was also a Soviet marshal after all. Let's not talk about finding a marshal to support the situation with a good match. General, no! At least you have to find a general? How can a mere lieutenant general take advantage of this?

However, Trotsky insisted on his opinion. He had a feeling that Vasilevsky was definitely no worse than Tukhachevsky and would definitely be able to support the Trotsky flag in the future. However, if you want Trotsky to come up with a reason, Lao Tou is really poor. However, Lao Tou believes in his feelings, just like when he fell in love with Tukhachevsky at first sight. When he first met Tukhachevsky, he thought the young man was great, but now he thinks Vasilevsky is great!

Trotsky was determined to follow his feelings, and he believed that Vasilevsky would never let him down. Seeing that Lao Tor was so persistent, Ulitsky and Radick had no choice but to let Lao Tor make trouble.

However, Trotsky was not necessarily very happy. The reason was very simple. Although he was very optimistic about Vasilevsky and was determined to cultivate him. However, the reality made Trotsky speechless.

Why are you speechless? The reason is very simple. Lao Tuo is quite dissatisfied with Huasilevsky's current position. The Army Operations Department is really meaningless. Maybe it is a good place for gilding promotion in peacetime. But now it is not a peaceful era, but a world war. What is the point of staying in such a precious department during the war?

Trotsky was speechless about Tukhachevsky. He could feel that Tukhachevsky did want to cultivate Huasilevsky, but your cultivation method was very problematic. If Lao Trot was Tukhachevsky, he would never let Huasilevsky stay in the General Staff. This made no sense.

You should know that Huasilevsky has been in the General Staff for two years. The upper-level tasks that should be figured out have been basically understood, and you will not be able to gain experience if you stay here. At this time, you should let Huasilevsky go to the front line, get a group army or commander, and quickly make a record. That is the reality.

Otherwise, in Trotsky's view, Huasilevsky's continued stay in the General Staff would be a waste of time. Once the Red Army entered a comprehensive counterattack, as the performance of the generals below improved, Huasilevsky would be really embarrassed and delayed.

At that time, not only was it impossible to go further in the General Staff (without any record), but the existing positions would be replaced by upstarts who were shot from the battlefield one by one.

Anyway, Trotsky thinks that Tukhachevsky is just a pig's head. Are you trying to cultivate Huasilevsky or destroy Huasilevsky? According to Trotsky's idea, you must immediately let Huasilevsky get out of the General Staff, the faster the better!

He said to Ulitsky and Radic with great emotion: "Comrade Andre was so keen to teach the Democratic Party so much before, and he nominated Huasilevsky to be the commander. Comrade Mikhail and I thought he was planning to take the opportunity to suppress Comrade Huasilevsky. Now he is wrong, and they are not suppressing but trying to win over!"

Ulitsky immediately didn't understand: "Why do you say that?"

Trotsky explained patiently: "Look at the three candidates recommended by Comrade Andre, Zhukov, Konev and Vasilevsky, all have one common feature, that is, for some reason, there is a lack of a stage to show off his talents, and he took the opportunity to build such a stage. This is to act as a mentor!"

Radick disagreed and retorted: "It doesn't mean anything to beat and scrape the Democratic Party, right? It's not outstanding!"

Trotsky shook his head and sighed: "You don't understand. How easy is it to arrange people on the Western Front now? With the qualifications of those three people, the first-level commander of the group army is absolutely not qualified. Let them be the commander of the army. It's a bit insignificant. It's not easy to be a deputy at the first-level of the group army. It just so happens that it's a hit and slaughter the Democratic Party. It's just right!"

Speaking of this, Trotsky sighed again: "The scale of the two armies is not enough to be of the group level, but it is one level higher than the army leader. They are just right. Moreover, it is not difficult to beat and scrape the Democratic Party, and it is unlikely to fail. Putting the three of them in this position is equivalent to going to the grassroots layer to gilt. After this procedure, it is reasonable to promote it to the commander of the group army, and it will be easy to arrange it next!"

Speaking of this, Trotsky looked at Ulitsky and Radick meaningfully, and sighed: "Our Comrade Andre is really a scheming!"

Trotsky felt frustrated from the bottom of his heart, and he didn't see any clues about someone's arrangement. If he could understand the value of Huasilevsky earlier, he would have to arrange Huasilevsky over there. Now, Konev is ahead, which is equivalent to a big step ahead of Huasilevsky.

Of course, Trotsky's greatest frustration is not here, but is identifying talents. Before, Lao Tor thought he was very sensible, and Tukhachevsky was his pride. But now, Tukhachevsky has changed from pride to a political burden. Looking at Ubolevic and Triandafilov, who are intimate, they are all steady and stable. To be honest, as long as Tukhachevsky falls, these two people will definitely take over the power of Tukhachevsky.

What made Trotsky feel particularly a pity was Ubolevic. You should know that this person was promoted by him at first, but he ended up being a favorable political enemy, which made him feel uncomfortable when he thinks about it.

It would be fine if it was just a competition between the older generation. Trotsky lost a lot in the competition between the Mesozoic generation. Rokosovsky was able to stand alone, and his future prospects were limitless, but he had no talent who could compare with him.

It would be fine if it was just one Rokosovsky, look at the three people who had just recommended to the Military Commission. Needless to say, Trotsky is very optimistic now, but he didn't know this staff officer before. Konev didn't say that after slapping the Democratic Party, he could not escape. Even Zhukov made a big splash this time, and his performance was quite amazing as a feint attack force.

Just from these three people, we can see that Li Xiaofeng definitely has a pair of keen eyes on people. Looking at his step-by-step arrangement, Konev must definitely thank someone for his kindness. Even Huasilevsky and Zhukov have to think about someone's goodness. Who asked someone to recommend them first?

When I think of this, I think that I am so much behind, Trotsky inevitably feels anxious... (To be continued)

ps: Bow to thank comrade uyiqing1985 and Juventus!
Chapter completed!