The streets of Moscow in November were covered with snow, and the biting cold wind cut people's faces into pain like a knife. Sitting in the car, neither Lenin nor Trotsky meant to speak, and this enlarged meeting of the Military Commission hit them a bit. In the final vote, Stalin and Sverdlov defeated them by a slight advantage, eliminating the post of Chairman of the Military Commission of Trotsky.

"It's unknown who will win the despair!" After Lenin was silent for a long time, he suddenly said this.

Not only did Lenin want to boost morale, but more importantly, the outcome of the matter is really hard to say. Because it is not enough to exempt the Chairman of the Military Commission from the Military Commission to vote alone, he also has to follow the Soviet procedure. Only when the Supreme Presidium of the Soviet Union passed this resolution can it take effect.

"We still have a chance in the Soviet Union!" Trotsky was also secretly encouraging himself.

However, neither Lenin nor Trotsky knew that they had no chance anymore, and they had to accept a failure in the Soviet Union. Why is this happening? It is very simple. The emergency meeting of the Supreme Presidium of the Soviet Union held by Sverdlov was not a big blow to the east, but a real plan and then move.

At this emergency meeting, Sverdlov announced that he would resign as chairman of the Soviet Supreme Bureau and retain only one seat in the Soviet Supreme Bureau. Not only did he resign, he also proposed that Kalinin take over his position.

In this way, things are very obvious. This is the strategy of Sverdlov-Stalin Group to win over Kalinin. I have to say that this strategy was successful. Kalinin, the Wannian Soy Sauce Party, knew his value very well and finally entered the Politburo. After all, he had to get a full position for himself.

So could Lenin give him a full position? Obviously. This is very difficult. Judging from Lenin's previous operational ideas, suppressing Stalin and Sverdlov is very obvious, but suppressing does not mean defeating. I am afraid that the mentor still wants to limit the power of these two people to a reasonable range.

What is reasonable? It is more reasonable to maintain the status quo of Stalin and Sverdlov. And the status quo of these two people, is it possible for Kalinin to be the top leader? At least it is unlikely to be in the Supreme Presidium of the Soviet Union.

And this time, Sverdlov really invested a lot. In order to completely defeat the Trotto faction's power in the Military Commission, he resolutely gave up the position of chairman of the Soviet Supreme Presidium in exchange for Kalinin's support. I have to say that this is very decisive, even gambling.

Fortunately, gambling was successful, and it was a great success. With the support of Kalinin, the power of the three families of Sverdlov-Stalin-Kalinin in the Supreme Presidium of the Soviet Union was completely enough to offset Lenin's strength. The motion to exempt the Chairman of the Military Commission of Trotsky from being passed with a slight advantage. When this motion was passed, it was obvious that Lenin and Trotsky's eyes were somewhat distracted.

This blow is indeed a bit big, which means that the Trotskyist party has completely lost its foothold in the Military Commission. The army will not obey Trotsky's command. Of course, the matter is not over. Because although Trotsky got out, who should the chairman of the Military Commission he vacated?

Stalin and Sverdlov can unite to deal with the Trotskyists, but this does not mean that both sides are one family. In the face of great political interests, these two families can also break the dog's brains. Whether it is Stalin or Sverdlov is determined to win the Chairman of the Military Commission, if it is not done well, it will be a new fire.

At this critical moment, Li Xiaofeng put forward a crucial suggestion: "Comrade Fu Longzhi should be appointed as the Chairman of the Military Commission, Comrade Sverdlov should be appointed as the Vice Chairman and Vice Member of the People's Committee of National Defense, and Comrade Stalin took over the position of the People's Committee of National Defense."

Let Fu Longzhi but the Chairman of the Military Commission?! At first glance, this is a very stupid suggestion, because Fu Longzhi has always been the order of Lenin. Before, when the Military Commission reversed Trotsky, this guy voted against it according to Lenin's instructions, and his opposition also made some undecisive guys either abstain or continue to support Lenin.

To be honest, Fu Longzhi is their enemy. Now he has finally defeated the enemy with difficulty. Why do you have to share the benefits to your previous enemies? Isn’t this crazy?

"I'm not crazy. Letting Fu Longzhi be the chairman of the Military Commission is the best choice at present!" Li Xiaofeng said with certainty.

"Do you think doing this will ease the tension between us and Comrade Lenin?" Stalin asked contemptuously. Before Li Xiaofeng could answer, he sarcastically said: "This is undoubtedly a stupid move. Judging from the situation at today's meeting, Comrade Lenin is already completely on Trotsky's side, and there is no room for relief between us!"

Stalin's words received a considerable number of recognition and recognition, but Li Xiaofeng sniffed at it: "Your gaze is too short-sighted. How could I use the position of Chairman of the Military Commission to ease the sharp differences between us and Comrade Lenin? I am not that naive yet."

"What do you mean?" Zhidanov asked impatiently.

"My meaning is very clear!" Li Xiaofeng said confidently: "Fu Longzhi represents a group of comrades who are still foolish and loyal to Comrade Lenin. This group of people did not realize how sinister the current situation is, nor did they realize that we were fighting against the Trotskyists on behalf of all comrades who support Comrade Lenin's political propositions. They did not understand that Comrade Lenin was confused, so they made the wrong choice. But this does not mean that this group of comrades is irrescueable. We cannot just give up on them like this, and we cannot foolishly push them to the Trotskyists! I must remind all comrades here that our victory is very lucky this time and our advantage is extremely weak. We must unite more comrades instead of turning them into our enemies!"

Li Xiaofeng's words were still very reasonable. Although he had won the victory in the Military Commission and the Supreme Presidium of the Soviet Union before, the advantage of victory was indeed very small. The power that supported Trotsky and Lenin was quite small compared to their power. It can even be said that it was 55.

You know, this is the victory of the department that had the advantage before launching a surprise attack. There is almost no advantage in these places. In the Politburo, how can it be done?

As Li Xiaofeng said just now, the key reason why their advantages are not outstanding is that Lenin supports Trotsky. Because of Lenin's support, the power within the Lenin faction was dispersed. So these people who temporarily support Lenin really support Lenin's proposition. Do they like Trotsky?

There may be a small number of people like this, but most of the people who continue to follow Lenin are probably more out of inertia, their blind trust in Lenin, and their prestige accumulated through continuous success.

In other words, they are temporarily blindly following Lenin, and they are not Trotskyists. Once Lenin is gone, they are likely to rejoin Stalin and Sverdlov immediately.

At this time, what these centrists need is not criticism and suppression, which will only drive them to Trotsky. The correct way is to persuade and win over them. It is to make them recognize the political alliance between Stalin and Sverdlov.

If we want to do this, the most important thing is to release goodwill. Let them know that the alliance between Stalin and Sverdlov represents the future of the Lenin faction. Then it would be meaningful to appoint Fulongzhi as the chairman of the Military Commission.

Just imagine, even those like Fulongzhi who obey Lenin, Stalin and Sverdlov could use it, and they were reused decisively. What does this mean? It not only shows that Stalin and Sverdlov's political enlightenment, but that they opposed Comrade Lenin before not to safeguard the interests of the small group, but to really consider the Lenin faction.

Compared with Lenin's "selfish" support for Trotsky, an outsider, Stalin and Sverdlov "selflessly" protect the interests of the Leninists. Isn't it clear at a glance who is better and who is worse?

What's more, if Stalin and Sverdlov could not hold back against hardcore oppositions like Fulongzhi, those who were confused for a while would naturally not have to worry about settlement in the future.

When Stalin and Sverdlov figured out Li Xiaofeng's true intentions, they had to admit that someone was indeed more clever, making Fu Longzhi the chairman of the Military Commission more beneficial.

In fact, Lenin was a little surprised when he learned that Fu Longzhi was nominated for Chairman of the Military Commission, because according to his perception, Stalin and Sverdlov did not have such brilliant political means. The two of them were better at straightforward means than such roundabout means. Especially when he learned that this suggestion was proposed by Li Xiaofeng, he was even more shocked. He began to realize for the first time that he despised someone's political wisdom.

So is Li Xiaofeng really more skilled than Stalin and Sverdlov? Not necessarily, it is impossible. The reason why he could think of such a roundabout way is that this person traveled through the Heavenly Kingdom, and the political thinking in the East is more roundabout. It is naturally not surprising that he could think of a roundabout way.

So is the method that Li Xiaofeng came up with useful? It should be said that it still has a certain effect, and it has indeed made some fence-mounted factions in the original Lenin faction start to move closer to the Stalin-Sverdlov alliance. Even Lenin kept doing persuasion and explanation work.

This situation continued until the end of 1934. In the constant confrontation, the power of the Stalin-Sverdlov Group and the Trotsky Alliance basically stabilized. Overall, the two sides were more powerful in the Military Commission's Double Serie Alliance, and the Trotsky Alliance had more advantages in the People's Committee. As for the Party Committee, especially the Politburo, the two sides seemed evenly matched.

Of course, both sides tried to break the balance, but after tentative attacks on each other several times, both sides found that they were willing but not capable. With Lenin's support, Trotsky was unlikely to be defeated by the DoubleSs League, and after the DoubleSs League took over nearly 75% of the Lenin faction's forces, Trotsky had no choice.

So the two sides continued to stalemate. The next time the balance was broken, it would probably take until February 1935. At the new conference, for the political interests of the next five years, the two sides would inevitably have a bloody battle.

However, there is still one or two months left, and during this period, the international situation is still undergoing profound and worrying changes.

Starting from 1934, the Nazis basically completely controlled Germany's state power. From this year on, the Nazis began to constantly test the reactions of Britain and France with various small actions. At the same time, the Soviet-German honeymoon period formed after the World War also came to an end. It can be foreseen that in a very short time in the future, the mustache will soon lead Germany to break through the shackles of the Versailles Contract and embark on the road of military expansion.

If the military threat from Nazi Germany is still in the future, then Japan's expansion in the three northeastern provinces and China's North China would seem aggressive. The failure of the Great Wall's War of Resistance led to the National Government's actual loss of control over the territory north of the Great Wall. In this area, Japan's power expanded rapidly. In addition, it had huge friction with the interests of the Soviet Middle East Road and the interests of Outer Mongolia. Let's put it this way, the two sides were constantly in conflict, and an armed conflict could no longer be avoided.

"Since October, the Japanese Kwantung Army carried out a comprehensive encirclement and suppression of the Alshan Anti-Japanese Base Area and the Northeast Anti-Japanese Alliance Army. The Kwantung Army mobilized a regular army from a division and a brigade to attack Alshan. The Northeast Anti-Japanese Allied Army fought fiercely with them more than ten times, and gave up Alshan under the urgency..."

The telegram sent by Buluheer to the Military Commission did not see any happy things. The Northeast Anti-Japanese Allied Forces lost their bases, and the main force also suffered heavy losses in the head-on confrontation with the Kwantung Army. As soon as it reached a scale of 50,000, it quickly reduced its personnel to about 20,000. And it was driven to Outer Mongolia like a dog that was stranded.

However, the status of the Northeast Anti-Japanese Allied Forces is not the most concerned topic of the Military Commission. What really worried the Military Commission was that Buluheer also said: "Based on aerial reconnaissance and the intelligence obtained by the CCP's underground party, the Japanese Kwantung Army had the intention to continue pursuing the border. It is probably not effective to deal with the Japanese invasion alone with Mongolia's troops...

Buluheer's meaning is very clear. The forces of the Mongolian and Northeast Anti-Japanese Alliance Army may be destroyed by the Kwantung Army. He asked the Military Commission whether he could continue to increase troops to the Far East and grant him the power to deal with it on the spot.

This topic is very sensitive. The Military Commission has no objection to continue to increase troops to the Far East, but the granting of Bruuker's power to deal with it on the spot is very controversial. At this point in time, no one hopes that a war will be disturbed. Whether it is the Trotskyist or the Double Sri Lanka alliance, they now hope to settle the meeting first, and wait until the power structure stabilizes before talking about external affairs. At this time, the Japanese came uninvited, which made both sides hesitate and feared that they would suffer too much in this issue.

"Can we try our best to ease the tension between the two countries first?" Voroshilov spoke on behalf of the Stalin Department. "At this time, the Far East Red Flag Front Army is not ready, and there are too many problems of hasty war!"

Actually, this is nonsense. The Far East Red Flag Front Army has been preparing for more than a year, and there is no hasty matter at all. In fact, Buluheer did not mention this in the telegram to the Military Commission. In fact, what Buluheer is worried about is a problem - that is, he cannot organize troops to fight back immediately after being raided by the Japanese Kwantung Army. What he wants now is the right to make decisions on the spot. To put it bluntly, Buluheer has made full preparations and can do the Japanese family.

What Voroshilov is worried that if Buluhel did not fight this battle well and even suffered losses from the Japanese, then the Double Serie Alliance would have to be beautiful when the conference was held. After all, the Military Commission is now their world, and if there is a problem, the board must be hit on their butt.

Therefore, Voroshilov or Stalin tended to seek stability, and just wanted to fool this matter first and then make a decision after the conference was settled.

If the Military Commission is full of Stalin, then this matter will be done. The problem is that Trotsky is also a messenger in the Military Commission, and Li Xiaofeng does not support doing this.

The reason is very simple. When the Kwantung Army was eyeing the border line, the two sides had already had a quarrel through diplomatic channels. The Kwantung Army said it was a bandit suppression, and also said that Mongolia deliberately condoned and supported the bandits to attack the local government of the puppet Manchukuo, demanding that Mongolia hand over the Northeast Anti-Japanese Allied Forces that fled to the territory. It even demanded that the disputed "historical legacy" border issues in the Halaha area be redemarcated.

Let me put it this way, the Japanese are quite arrogant. Anyway, Li Xiaofeng would never agree to hand over the Northeast Anti-Japanese Allied Forces. On the contrary, he thought it was possible to do a whole family and make the Kwantung Army more honest.

As for Trotsky, he was weak in the Military Commission at this time and had completely become a mess and always tried every means to cause trouble. For example, this time, Voroshilov said on behalf of Stalin that he wanted to solve the problem diplomatically, but he insisted on the opposite tune:

"The Politburo and the Military Commission have made decisions on related issues before, and carry out a self-defense counterattack when necessary to dispel the Japanese's unrealistic ambitions. I think the conditions are now ripe, so why not fight?"

Even this man not only said that he wanted to fight, but also proposed that he had to win a beautiful victory, otherwise it would be the dereliction of duty of the Military Commission's leader who was responsible for this issue!

Trotsky not only shouted at the Military Commission to fight and kill, but also mobilized the power of public opinion to cause trouble to Stalin and Sverdlov. For several days, both Pravda and Pravdada, both of them shouted the Japanese threat theory, calling on all citizens to take up weapons to defend every inch of the Soviet Union and their allies.

Anyway, this almost forced Stalin and Sverdlov into a corner. It can be said that as long as there is a slight mistake on this issue, it will be doomed! (To be continued, please search for Astronomy, novels are better, updated and faster!

ps: Bow to thank comrade Schistosoma parasite and comrade Juventus!

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Chapter completed!