In fact, since April, Wulianghai has maintained close ties with the Tsarist Russian Social Revolutionary Party.

After Kerensky returned from his visit to China, his attitude towards China underwent earth-shaking reforms, and he has been boasting about China's important position and influence in Asia between the party and the Tsarist nobles.

He not only believed that Tsarist Russia should follow China to complete the bourgeois revolution, implement constitutional monarchy, and ensure the interests of the bourgeoisie, but also introduce a series of new bourgeois policies as soon as possible to alleviate the contradictions at home and abroad.

This has indeed aroused the favor of the bourgeois figures in the party for China to sell a batch of arms to the Social Revolutionary Party at the best price. However, as another faction of the Social Revolutionary Party, the young and strong nobles remained wary of China. After all, the Chinese army was pressing on the Wulianghai, regaining foreign countries and occupying the territory that Tsarist Russia had worked hard to expand, which is really hateful and annoying.

During the two months of April and May, Kerensky devoted himself to two things: one was to actively train armed business groups, and the other was to do everything possible to eliminate China's negative impact, hoping to make the party accept the idea of ​​cooperation with China.

Strictly speaking, the Second Northern Army had no military action, and even the strategic arrangement of continuing the Northern Expedition after the Chun-Taiwan was temporarily shelved. The Army Command claimed to establish good liaison with Kerensky and temporarily canceled all offensive plans. Of course, in fact, the Nanjing Presidential Office was eager to develop the country, so it ordered the war to be suspended as much as possible.

However, this claim from the Army Command is to some extent raising Kerensky's value.

The Chinese side's meaning is very obvious. They are trying to support Kerensky as China's spokesperson, so that the outside world knows that only Kerensky can convince China to cease war. If the Tsar zhèngfu refuses to give Kerensky enough political status, the war between China and Russia will not be over!

However, just as Kerensky was running around with confidence, the long-simmering "February Revolution" broke out again.

After a month of adjustment of the revolutionary strategy, the Bolshevik Party actively attracted many soldiers and joined the revolutionary camp, which upgraded the originally simple workers' strike movement to an armed revolution. The first one was on the end of April, and the Bolshevik Party concentrated all revolutionary forces and launched the largest uprising in Petrograd. From this day on, the "February Revolution" armed uprising phase officially kicked off.

Petrograd became the main battlefield of the Bolsheviks, and many Tsarist troops and local troops were instigated by revolutionaries. In the hours of the uprising operation, the Tsarist troops were disorganized, while the revolutionary soldiers and workers were united, and soon formed an overwhelming advantage.

The entire uprising lasted for seven days. The Bolsheviks led the revolutionary soldiers and workers through great hardships and finally occupied the big city completely. The Tsarist army stationed in Petrograd fled in panic and suffered extremely heavy losses. Most of the soldiers either rebel or became deserters, and their morale was extremely low.

The news of the fall of the capital Petrograd reached Moscow a day later, and Tsarist Russia was shocked when it heard the news! Although Tsar Nicholas II had been living in Moscow for several years because he was worried that Petrograd was not safe, after all, Petrograd is the legal capital of the empire, and its safety has a significant impact on the entire empire.

Not only that, the uprising launched by the workers was obviously beyond all expectations. The Tsar zhèngfu had realized that the Russian revolution had undergone major changes over the past few decades. The revolutionaries no longer simply marched or went on strike, but took up weapons and walked onto the battlefield. The revolutionary activity with weapons was a war. The Bolsheviks won Petrograd without proclaiming the battle. This was not as simple as preempting, but brought about a shocking effect of the whole country.

Revolutions are often a flame. If this flame is not controlled well and cannot be extinguished in the first time, it will be like a torrent of a dam or a wild horse that breaks away from the reins, and it can sweep the whole country in a blink of an eye.

Petrograd is just a breakthrough, which allows all the people in the country who are dissatisfied with the Tsar to see hope. In the next few months, countless imitators will inevitably launch an uprising, and these people will take the form of armed violence. It won’t take long before more cities will fall, and then it will be truly out of control.

It was precisely because of this incident that Nikola finally realized the serious problem and had to contact China immediately to discuss the matter of a truce. He hoped that the troops near Wulianghai could be transferred back to the country as soon as possible and gather enough troops to suppress the armed uprising.

The current situation in Tsarist Russia has already informed Chinese agents of the situation before the Petrograd Uprising.

The reason why it was before the uprising was that after more than half a year of lurking, Chinese agents finally entered the Bolshevik faction and knew the news of Petrograd's armed uprising.

The Chinese Intelligence Department believed that this was a good opportunity to raise domestic conflicts between Russia, so it did not send the news to the Tsar in advance, and even secretly funded some Bolsheviks to help them build a bridge to instigate the soldiers.

On May 15th, just as the Tsar zhèngfu was busy suppressing the domestic uprising and waiting for news from China, China naturally followed suit and proposed in a telegram that the Tsar zhèngfu must give bourgeois people the opportunity to participate in politics, and called on the name to ask only negotiate with Kerensky.

In helplessness, Nicholas II had to announce the release of political power, give up one-third of the cabinet seats controlled by royal members, formally appointed Kerensky as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and pretended to invite the Prime Minister of the State Social Labor Party, Martov to serve as Minister of Industry and Commerce. He asked Kerensky to rush to China again to negotiate the situation of the Sino-Russian truce peace negotiations as soon as possible. At the same time, he also hoped to ease the atmosphere of domestic armed uprising with the help of Martov's identity in the State Social Labor Party.

Just after this political order was issued, the enlightened Tsarist Russian aristocrats belonging to the Social Revolutionary Party immediately formed a petition group. With the support of several newly appointed bourgeois ministers in the cabinet, they proposed a proposal for national reform to Nicholas II. The petition group detailed the beginning and end of the revolutions in various countries, believing that the Tsarist royal regime is currently at the most acute level of contradictions. If you want to preserve the dignity of the Tsarist, you must sincerely open up politics, release power, and implement a constitutional democratic system.

The proposal also mentioned that if the Tsar wants to resolve the domestic crisis as soon as possible, the only way is to promote the combination of the Imperial Parliament and the Duma, and give the Imperial Prime Minister more power, promulgate preferential policies for the industrial, commercial and agricultural industries, and send representatives to Petrograd to negotiate with the revolutionaries, and compromise with the working class as much as possible.

At first, Nicholas II did not take this petition seriously. He was as stubborn as ever. He had looked down on these so-called enlightened nobles before, and now he would not adopt the so-called "only method".

However, not long after, even several elder princes in the Tsarist regime came to Mén. They rudely warned Nicholas II that the empire was in danger today, and if there was no reform, the country would sooner or later fall into the hands of others. In any case, those who want to hold the power will often be dragged down by the power in their hands. They might have used some means to perfunctory revolution, but now even soldiers are on the side of the revolution. What else can the empire use to suppress the revolution?

"The fire has already burned to the point of view. This revolution is very different from the previous ones. If we blindly use deception, blackmail and suppression, it will only make the flame burn more and more prosperous. Now the people of Russia are no longer willing to endure exploitation as before. Times have changed and people's hearts have changed, so we must also change to adapt to this era."

"Since two months ago, the Hermitage Guards have been forced to switch the troops of three battalions. What does this mean? This means that revolutionaries have penetrated us and may kill us anytime, anywhere."

"Are you going to destroy this country with a crown than let go of your burden?"

Faced with the princes’ reproach, Nicholas II finally realized the seriousness of the problem.

The reason why he was stubborn was because he believed that imperial power was supreme from beginning to end. However, when the princes and ministers who were supposed to stand on the imperial power suddenly turned out to be abnormal and made such serious remarks to him, it meant that he had lost the power group that he could rely on.

You should know that the Tsarist Russian Empire now has no 100% loyal army, and Nicholas II has no extra bargaining chips. If he still wants to do his own things and does not even give face to these princes and ministers, he may be besieged by princes and ministers in the end, and he may even be forced to give up the throne by them.

In desperation, Nicholas II finally had no choice but to accept the opinions of the princes and ministers. He summoned his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail, hoping that Grand Duke Mikhail would come forward to preside over the political reform affairs of the Tsarist Russian Empire.

However, during his reign, Nicholas II made almost no correct choice. After choosing Grand Duke Mikhail to go abroad to prime minister of the empire, this younger brother completed the wisest choice during his reign.
Chapter completed!