Before coming to Chenyang, Yuefei thought that if the interview went smoothly, he would stay in Shenyang for a long time. Three days and five days were just the beginning, and ten days might not be impossible. Leaving on the third day of arrival in Chenyang was indeed beyond Yuefei's idea.

Seeing that the separation was about to be separated, He Rui took out a thin envelope and handed it over. Yue Fei felt that He Rui was not like the kind of person who gave money, but he did not take it immediately.

He Rui smiled and said, "We have set up liaison offices in Beijing and Shanghai, and have also set up a distribution station for the Northeast Daily. I have sent a telegram to the liaison office. If you encounter problems that cannot be solved, you can try to go to the liaison office to find them."

The Russians acted in China, and such a gift might be of great help to safety. Yue Fei took the envelope and sincerely expressed his gratitude to He Rui.

Seeing that He Rui was about to say goodbye, Yue Fei suddenly remembered a question he was a little curious about, "General He, why did you change Fengtian to Chenyang?"

He Rui replied plainly: "Because this place is originally called Chenyang, Fengtian is the name of political propaganda."

Yue Fei was speechless for a moment. He Rui's words were correct in a sense, but publicly claiming that the abolition of political propaganda is also a kind of political propaganda. As a revolutionary, Yue Fei is very clear about this.

Walking out of the government office building, Yue Fei stopped and looked back at the magnificent building. There was no window to He Rui's office from outside. Yue Fei believed that He Rui must be very clear that the diplomatic group of the Bolshevik government would go to the capital to meet with the leaders of the Beiyang government, and would continue to go south to contact Sun Wen in the south. When the Bolshevik regime delegation contacted Sun Wen in Beiyang, they would conduct negotiations that would benefit the Bolshevik regime on the condition of hurting He Ruili's interests. But He Rui did not take this as a matter of this, this is the spirit of the politicians.

It was still some time before the train left, and Yue Fei took out his own meeting report in the VIP room.

"... He Rui is a political party leader with a world perspective. Judging from the local governance of the Northeast, his comrades are very outstanding. He Rui and his civilized party will become the force leading China in the future. During the conversation, he was sure that He Rui would not engage in parliamentary party politics and did not want to see the emergence of bourgeois parties, but He Rui did not oppose the emergence of capitalists. His civilized party's position is more inclined to bourgeois reformism. However, in terms of fighting against the imperialist global order, He Rui's attitude is very clear and willing to cooperate with progressive forces opposing imperialism. It is recommended that the Bolshevik Central Committee hold higher-level talks with He Rui..."

Yue Fei looked at the report and felt a little inexplicably melancholy in his heart, but he couldn't figure out this feeling and came.

Forced to find a reason, Yue Fei could only doubt whether he could be influenced by the scholarly aura that He Rui showed during the conversation.

After thinking for a while, Yue Fei still couldn't determine any reason. But this feeling of melancholy lingered in his heart, faint but real.

Yue Fei could only force his emotions to gather up and put his thoughts in the next diplomatic work.

When he arrived in the capital, Yuefei saw the tea stall at the entrance of the railway station for sale. He bought one, and saw the newspaper telling the story of the "rice commotion" that had begun to end in Japan.

When he was in Shenyang, Yuefei began to fall in love with the Northeast Daily. The content of this newspaper did not seem extremely revolutionary, but was full of a healthy and uplifting spirit. Those reports about the lives of ordinary people are very interesting and exudes the atmosphere of life. Yuefei’s favorite is news and comments.

Now that Japan is invading Russia, the "Middle Fury" broke out in Japan is good news for the Russian Bolshevik government. The Northeast Daily is a Chinese newspaper, and its position will naturally not stand on Russia's side.

"...In order to divert domestic conflicts and offset the impact of the socialist revolution in Japan, Japan launched a military invasion of Russia. However, due to the military invasion, it triggered a domestic quagmire commotion, making the domestic conflicts more intense. From a historical perspective, it is really an interesting relationship..."

"... Because the Japanese government purchased a large amount of rice and put it into the Japanese market to calm the price of grain, this rice commotion seemed to end. However, the intensification of social contradictions caused by the rice commotion will not only not be weakened, but will instead make the Japanese people discover that the commotion swept across the country but did not change the order of Japanese video and memory because the Japanese people did not organize their struggle with the Japanese government. With this rehearsal, Japan's socialist struggle will be ignited like a spark, and will react and resist Japan's current social system..."

After reading it, Yue Fei was really puzzled. Just reading the article in the Northeast Daily was basically consistent with the Bolshevik methodology, but He Rui actually allowed capitalists to exist in economic operation. In Yue Fei's opinion, this is undoubtedly childish!

It is impossible for capitalists to ban capitalists from forming bourgeois parties to serve the cause of communism. Although He Rui gave an explanation, Yuefei still cannot accept the view that "developing productivity requires a balance between efficiency and fairness." This is also the reason why Yuefei believes that He Rui's party belongs to the "bourgeois reformists".

Putting away the newspaper, Yuefei sorted out his mood and began to carry out his work in the capital of China. What made Yuefei worried was that if the Chinese Foreign Ministry had the same level as the same, they would refuse to contact diplomats sent by the Bushevik regime. The Bolsheviks had not encountered such problems in other countries.

When he met the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China, Yue Fei found that the situation was worse than he thought. His cold attitude and disapproving expression proved that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China did not take the Bolshevik government seriously at all.

Originally, Yuefei thought he didn't have to seek help from He Rui's forces so early, but now he had to go to the liaison office of the Northeast government in Wudaokou.

What the staff of the liaison office, He Rui, did receive a notice. He learned that Yuefei was looking forward to meeting with the senior officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China, and they agreed. Now Yuefei began to confirm that He Rui's influence in the Beiyang Central is far greater than that of ordinary warlords. It is very likely that in the eyes of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China, He Rui had the same identity as the "Election of the Emperor".

More than an hour later, Lu Zhengxiang met with the director of the Northeast Office in the office. When he learned of the request from Member Yuefei for a meeting, Lu Zhengxiang felt that he had to meet him for He Rui's sake.

After seeing off the director, Minister Lu Zhengxiang felt that He Rui was really attentive in his work. A few days ago, Lu Zhengxiang had received a letter from He Rui, who told Lu Zhengxiang that if the Russian Bolshevik government wanted to establish diplomatic relations with the Republic of China, it would have to clearly propose the "demarcation issue" when establishing diplomatic relations at the initial stage. This is a tradition of diplomacy. If it was not proposed at that time, it would expose the extremely unprofessional status of diplomatic level.

Lu Zhengxiang fully agreed with He Rui's evaluation of diplomatic professionalism, but let alone the Republic of China, since the Qing Dynasty, China has been constantly cede land and paying compensation and has never gained experience in territoriality. After receiving He Rui's letter, Lu Zhengxiang immediately went to see Duan Qirui and read He Rui's letter to Duan Qirui.

Duan Qirui attached great importance to He Rui's views. He Rui's previous request to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to contact the UK to jointly fight against the Bolsheviks gave Duan Qirui a great benefit. The British tried Duan Qirui on many sides to test Duan Qirui, and if a military conflict occurred, whether Duan Qirui could get He Rui's military support.

Regarding how to answer, Duan Qirui asked Lu Zhengxiang to come forward. Lu Zhengxiang used diplomatic rhetoric gracefully, "Prime Minister Duan Qirui and Chairman He Rui are committed to opposing China's secession."

After hearing what this said, British diplomats understood, they raised another difficult question, "Will Mr. Duan Qirui support Chairman He Rui to become his successor?"

If it was Lu Zhengxiang's personal opinion, he would rather be happy to see He Rui be able to take over Duan Qirui's position as prime minister. But Lu Zhengxiang knew very well that the rules of Beiyang were definitely not like this, so he replied tactfully: "Our country has its own parliament, and the candidates for president and prime minister are decided by members of Congress."

The British diplomat smiled and didn't ask again.

There is nothing to ask about this matter. Whether it is Feng Guozhang or Duan Qirui, both of them know that they cannot fight against the opponent. Now the dispute between the government and the court is very fierce, so they can only take a step back and Xu Shichang will be the president of the Republic of China.

However, the two did not simply retreat. They had already arranged those who were loyal to themselves as members of Congress when Congress was re-elected. Now there is a title outside called "Anfu Group".

The real power figure retreated behind the scenes, and the power of the state was handed over to the Congress. Not only did it look good on the surface, but it also showed the noble character of the two. However, it may be okay to deceive people who don’t know anything about this matter, but it is like a mirror to the senior management and foreign missions.

As the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China, Lu Zhengxiang was also helpless. Lu Zhengxiang felt that there was little hope for He Rui to take over Duan Qirui's Anhui faction. If He Rui wanted to take power, he would be afraid that the Anhui faction of Duan Qirui's Anhui faction and Feng Guozhang's Feng faction would be able to do so. Lu Zhengxiang would rather maintain the status quo than see the country fall into a full-scale civil war again.

The next day, Yuefei met Lu Zhengxiang, the Foreign Minister of the Republic of China. Yuefei expressed the wish of the Bolsheviks of the Communist Party of China in fluent Russian to establish diplomatic relations.

After a little thought, Lu Zhengxiang raised the question, "So where should the border line be drawn?"

This problem directly hits Yuefei's difficulty, and also makes Yuefei feel that the Beiyang regime and the overthrown Russian Tsarist regime are probably birds of a feather. They are cowardly like foxes and fierce in the lions. When they see the other party out of weakness, they will pounce on them and bite them.

This does not mean that He Rui is a good person. If the standard of a good person is a kind and normal person, the better the strategist and politician, the more he is, the more he is, the better he is, the better he is from the standard of a kind and normal person. He Rui is an extremely excellent strategist and politician.

From a political perspective, the Beiyang Foreign Minister did not care about the Bolshevik regime's own wishes, nor did he consider the strategic thinking of the Bolshevik regime. He merely acted in accordance with imperialist rules, which is something that the Bolshevik regime could never accept.

So Member Yuefei said: "His Excellency Minister of Foreign Affairs, I wonder who the Republic of China government believes is the biggest strategic opponent of the Republic of China at present?"

Lu Zhengxiang did not expect that Yue Fei would talk in this way, and he felt that the Bolshevik regime was too speculative. No matter what situation the Republic of China faced, at least the diplomatic situation was much better than Russia! Britain had officially proposed to the Republic of China government to oppose the Bolshevik regime. Although He Rui had already told the letter that the British tradition of messing around was very clear, the purpose of Britain doing this was to bring other countries to deal with Russia and then make profits from it. However, China used to be the target of besieged by others. At this time, Duan Qirui also had a clear attitude that it was necessary to resolve the demarcation issue of China-Russia and let Russia return the land occupied by China.

Duan Qirui will definitely not let his Anhui troops send troops. If he really sends troops, He Rui must take action. Therefore, Lu Zhengxiang is very clear about Duan Qirui's idea, he must take advantage of the benefits and never bear the risks.

Such negotiations are a little new to Lu Zhengxiang. Yuefei, who participated in the Brest Treaty negotiations, was too boring. Compared with the soft verbal threat of the Republic of China government, Germany's threat was many times greater. Although the strength of the Foreign Minister of the Republic of China is not bad, compared with He Rui, Yuefei did not know that he should think that He Rui was not a Chinese, or that the Foreign Minister of the Republic of China was not a Chinese.

Since we are a citizen of the same country, the gap in vision and concepts is too big.

In the end, Yue Fei understood the attitude of the Republic of China government. Russia must first spit out the land occupied by Tsarist Russia, and then the Republic of China government could discuss with the Bolshevik regime whether to recognize the Bolshevik government.

So the next day, Yuefei expressed his gratitude to the staff of the Northeast Beijing Office and took the train to the south that day.

When he arrived in Guangzhou, China, Yuefei felt that he had returned to summer from autumn. It was already cold in the northeast, and it was not enough for Russians to wear coats, but in Guangdong, wearing a single coat still made Yuefei feel very hot.

In July 1917 (the sixth year of the Republic of China), because the Beiyang warlords led by Duan Qirui disbanded the parliament and abandoned the Provisional Constitution, Sun Yat-sen joined forces with the southwest warlords to establish a military government in Guangzhou, and was elected as the Grand Marshal to carry out the war of protecting the law. However, Sun Yat-sen was excluded by warlords and politicians in the military government, and had to resign from the position of Grand Marshal in May 1918 (the seventh year of the Republic of China). The failure of the first war of protecting the law made Sun Yat-sen realize that warlords in the north and the south were birds of a feather.

So in the summer of 1918, Sun Yat-sen sent a telegram to express his congratulations to the great victory of the Russian Revolution. The reason why Yue Fei had to come to see Sun Yat-sen was because of this telegram.

In China, Duan Qirui's government stood on the side of the Allies and followed the British government to siege Russia. Sun Yat-sen served as the president of the Republic of China and was also the Grand Marshal in the Law Protection War, and had a huge influence in China. Between the Beiyang government and the Southern government, supporting Sun Yat-sen was the best choice.

As for He Rui... the more he admits He Rui's strength, the more he can feel the danger of He Rui. This young "Elector" who appeared in Chinese politics like a meteor could never be used by anyone. If possible, Yue Fei would rather deal with the Beiyang government than engage in formal negotiations with He Rui.

As soon as the train stopped at the station, he heard the military band playing. Not long after, a group of soldiers walked into the carriage and asked loudly, "That is Mr. Yuefei!" "Where is Mr. Yuefei!"

Although he didn't know the purpose of the other party, Yuefei still stood up, "I'm Yuefei!"

The soldiers immediately stepped forward to salute and escorted Yue Fei off the train. The Russian comrade who accompanied him looked at the tall banner above the military band and explained to Yue Fei: "It was Marshal Sun Yat-sen who sent someone to greet us."

Yue Fei felt relieved. In Beijing, far away from the Beiyang ruling center, Sun Yat-sen's influence was very huge, enough to compete with Beiyang.

Looking at the soldiers coming to greet him, Yue Fei exchanged a few greetings, but found that he couldn't help but compare these people with He Rui's troops. And to the intuitive feeling, Yue Fei was not optimistic about the army in the south.

Regardless of height, just in military uniforms and every move, He Rui's army is obviously well organized and well-trained. As for the expressions of soldiers, these southern soldiers feel a bit like a white army. They are often used to staring at their eyes and posing like soldiers, as if they are worried that they are soldiers who are in charge of force.

He Rui's subordinates are much more restrained, and the feeling is more similar to the German army. Moreover, the military uniforms of He Rui's troops are worn on soldiers, which makes the officers of the Northeast Army look like they have received secondary and higher education. The uniforms of the southern army look like a group of arrogant soldiers. The gap between the two sides is really big.

Soon, Commissioner Yuefei met Sun Yat-sen for the first time. He had a clear appearance and bright eyes. His hair was a little gray and slightly thin. Sun Yat-sen also introduced his main comrade to Yuefei.

Yue Fei shook hands with these people politely, and couldn't help but think of He Rui. Sun Yat-sen's attitude towards comrades was more like treating his followers and subordinates. In comparison, He Rui's attitude was to treat comrades. Facing Yue Fei's member, He Rui was obviously consistent with his comrades, so he did not communicate much with each other, and all actions were very consistent.

There was too much communication and too many small actions between Sun Yat-sen and his comrades. When Sun Yat-sen introduced his comrade to Yue Fei, he also had the "showing" smell of old Russian officers. It seemed that by proving that he had so many subordinates, he could reflect his personal value.

These manifestations were not deliberate, but were revealed unconsciously. Because of this, Yue Fei had probably felt why Sun Wenming became famous earlier than He Rui and his political experience was much richer than He Rui. However, He Rui had strength that Sun Wen could not compare with.

According to the information obtained by the Bolsheviks, most of He Rui's subordinates graduated from military academies or other formal schools. They were not natives from Northeast China, but followed He Rui from wealthy areas such as Beijing and Tianjin to the Northeast, an economically unlucky area.

Such an organization is exactly the same as the Bolsheviks. A large number of Bolshevik leading cadres chose to follow the communist ideals in this way, and no matter how difficult the environment was, they were not shaken.
Chapter completed!